Herder killed by Hippopotamus in The Gambia.

A herder was killed by a Hippopotamus in the Niamina East District of The Gambia on the morning of Sunday 12 April 2026. Dawda Jallow, from Brikama Ba in Fulladu West District, had walked to the area with a mixed herd of Cattle and Goats. He reportedly encountered the Hippopotamus, a female who had recently given birth and was defending a calf, while searching in long grass for some missing Goats.

The journey taken by Dawda Jallow on the day he was killed. Google Maps.

Farmers in the area have raised concerns about the local Hippopotamus population, which they feel is becoming increasingly dangerous, with the Department of Parks and Wildlife. While this is the first reported Human death in the region, there have been a series of attacks on Cattle, with four Cows recently killed within the space of a month. 

While Hippos can appear benign to people unfamiliar to them, they are generally considered to be one of the most dangerous Animals in Africa, and probably the world. Hippopotamuses are the largest land Mammals after Elephants and Rhinoceroses, as well as being the closest terrestrial relatives of Whales. Adult Hippos typically weigh about 1.4 tonnes (males tend to be slightly larger than females, but this is marginal, and the sex of Hippos can be hard to differentiate). Hippos can open their mouths to almost 110°, and their jaws are highly muscled, allowing them to slap there mouths shut abruptly, driving canine and incisor teeth that can be 50 cm long into anything which offends them. This weapon is primarily used in intraspecific fights particularly between the males, which are highly territorial. However, they are also notoriously aggressive towards other species, particularly Humans, possibly as a result as having evolved alongside Pliocene and Pleistocene hunting Hominids. Hippopotamuses tend to stay in the water during the day, lowering the threat they present to Humans, but come out of the water to graze at night, when they are generally considered to be at their most dangerous.

Hippos by the Gambia River. The Akamba Times.

Hippopotamus are listed as Vulnerable under the terms of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature’s Red List of Threatened Species, with a global population of 115 000-130 000 individuals, spread across most of Sub-Saharan Africa. The species is considered to be threatened by human activities, including expanding urban development along waterways, the loss of feeding grounds to agriculture (Hippopotamus spend most of their time in water, but feed principally on land), damming rivers and other waterway modifications, and hunting, with illegal poaching becoming a problem in many areas as their teeth are used as a substitute for Elephant ivory.

As a protected species, Hippopotamuses are strictly protected by Gambian law, and cannot be killed. However, the aggressive nature of these animals often brings them into conflict with local Human populations, particularly farmers and herders. Local community representatives have been asking authorities to consider options which balance the need to conserve wildlife with that to protect Human lives and livelihoods, with some suggesting that a relocation program might be possible.

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At least five people dead due to unknown haemorrhagic fever outbreak in Burundi.

Five people, including a child, are known to have died and another 35 people are reported to be ill in an outbreak of an unknown haemorrhagic fever in the Mpanda Commune in Bubanza Province, Burundi, according to a press release issued by the World Health Organization's Africa Regional Office on 11 April 2026. The disease was first reported on 28 March 2026, with several members of a household in the village of Kibuye being the first affected. The disease subsequently spread to contacts of the original victims, with six households now affected. 

Patients have been admitted to the Mpanda General Hospital with a range of symptoms including fever, vomiting, diarrhoea, blood in urine, fatigue and abdominal pain, and in some cases jaundice and anaemia. Such symptoms are consistent with an haemorrhagic fever such as Ebola or Marburg Virus, however, tests for Ebola, Marburg, Rift Valley Fever, Yellow Fever, and Crimean-Congo Haemorrhagic Fever have all come back negative, raising the possibility that this represents a new, as yet unknown, disease. Samples have been sent to the National Institute of Biomedical Research in neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo for further analysis.

Mpanda General Hospital. Afrigift TV.

In the absence of a diagnosis, health authorities in Burundi has deployed joint team of experts from the country’s Public Health Emergency Operations Centre and the National Reference Laboratory to the region to strengthen disease surveillance, field investigation, clinical care, laboratory diagnosis and infection prevention and control, while also providing logistical support to sustain key operations. Local people are advised to maintain good hygiene standards, practice social distancing, and to seek immediate help should they develop any symptoms.

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Understanding the reasons for the use of historical anatomical skeleton collections for research in the US.

While scientists generally like to see their work as politically neutral, the nature of research carried out generally reflects the social and moral norms of the day, and these change over time. In recent years there has been an increasing discussion of the use of Human skeletal remains from historical collections in research, particularly as many such remains originally belonged to members of marginalised communities and other non-consenting individuals. A central part of this debate is whether scientists should continue to use such skeletons, and what should be done with them if it is determined that their continued use is unethical. Many such collections were amassed via processes which would be considered unethical today, such as the 'Anatomy Acts' in the US, which were passed by various state legislatures, and which allowed for the dissection and curation of unclaimed Human remains, often with a relatively short window of opportunity for the claiming of remains. This disproportionately affected poor and marginalised communities, who were often unable to afford to claim and bury the remains of their relatives within the short time available. 

In a paper published in the American Journal of Biological Anthropology on 27 March 2026, Allyson Simon and Nicholas Passalacqua of the Department of Anthropology at The Ohio State University, and Mark Hubbe of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Tennessee, present a review of research which has used Human remains from four Historical Anthropological Skeletal Collections, with a view to understanding current and past standards and social values in biological anthropology.

The use of historical anthropological skeletal collections has played a key role in the field of biological anthropology, with techniques such as the methods for estimating sex, age, stature, and population affinity, having first been developed using material from such collections. Despite this, until relatively recently little-or-no consideration was given to the lived experiences of the people whose remains found their way into such collections, or of the circumstances under which they got there. Today, there are ongoing discussions about the continued use and curation of these skeletons, with some scholars calling for such collections to be permanently dismantled and the remains held in them buried or cremated, while others argue that these are still vital resources that it will not be possible to replace once they are gone, and that they should therefore continue to be preserved.

Historical anatomical skeleton collections often include records of individuals' names, sex, age, cause of death, and other identifying information, presenting a unique set of ethical considerations. Because of this, Simon et al. felt it was important to distinguish between collections where such information has been preserved and those where it has not. They note that some previous ethical studies have lumped the two types of collections together, thereby ignoring some nuanced differences in both the demographics of these collections, and the way in which they are used by researchers. They further note that the views of both the scientific and non-scientific communities should be taken into account when determining the potential benefits of any research involving such collections.

Understanding how Human remains in historical collections have been used by researchers in the past, as well as how they are used today is an important step in evaluating the ethical dilemmas relating to these collections. When skeletons have been used in the development and validation of osteological methods without any consideration of the lived experiences of those individuals, there is a danger of those individuals being reduced to their value as osteological specimens, with their lives and individual identities being lost. It has also been noted that the value of studies based upon such collections might be lower than expected, as the way in which collections acquired skeletons makes the collections unrepresentative of the wider population. However, few previous studies have asked whether those methodological studies are ethically appropriate. Anthropological studies, in contrast, focus primarily on the lifetime experiences of the individuals involved, and often engage with current social theory. While such studies cannot undo past injustices, they do tend to re-emphasise the fact that the remains involved were once living people.

Understanding the aims of research is an important way of understanding the communities which that research serves, and can act as a proxy for the social perspective of the researchers. The Ghent Phrenological Collection comprised about 200 skulls transferred from the prison in Ghent, Belgium, to the University Museum in the same city in 1845. For the next century it was used as both a teaching aid and a research tool. However, much of the research for which the skulls were used was concentrated on the now discredited fields of eugenics and racial science, and some of that research was used to justify the atrocities of the Holocaust. Because of this the collection was felt to have become tainted by association, and following the Second World War the decision was taken to cremate the remains. However, it has been suggested that this could be seen as another act of violence against the people whose remains were held in the collection, as the method of disposal was chosen without reference to their wishes or the cultural norms of the societies which produced them.

Simon et al. believe that the debate around the continuing use of human remains from historical collections should be informed by accurate information on the uses to which they are put by researchers. To this end, they reviewed articles published in academic journals between 1920 and 2024, and the abstracts of presentations from the annual conferences of the American Association of Biological Anthropologists and the American Academy of Forensic Sciences between 2014 and 2024, which referenced samples from four historical anthropological collections, the Hamann-Todd Human Osteological Collection held by the Cleveland Museum of Natural History, the Robert J. Terry Anatomical Skeletal Collection held by the Department of Anthropology at the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History, the W. Montague Cobb Human Skeletal Collection held by Howard University, and the George S. Huntington Anatomical Collection, also held by the Smithsonian Museum.

Deathmask, skull, and cadaver photograph of number 709 from the Robert J. Terry Anatomical Collection. Hunt & Albanese (2004).

These publications were analysed to determine the aims of the research being carried out in each case, with the studies being divided into five categories, 'anthropological' research, which sought to understand past human lives and experiences, often shaped by social theory, 'comparative' studies, in which specimens from one or more of the collections were compared to another sample in order to make an assessment of that sample, 'methodological' studies, concerned with the development, validation, and refinement of osteological methods and procedures for data collection and analysis, 'clinical' studies which aimed to contribute to medical knowledge and clinical practice, and 'other' studies, where the aims of the research could not be fit into one of the other categories, or could not be determined at all. These categories were not exclusive, in some cases studies were placed into more than one category.

Based upon this, Simon et al. attempted to answer four questions, (1) whether research with methodological aims was becoming less common, (2) whether work with anthropological aims was becoming more common, (3) whether different forms of research were rewarded better in terms of citations by other authors, and (4) how the preponderance of different types of research varied across journals.

The Hamann-Todd Human Osteological Collection and the Robert J. Terry Anatomical Skeletal Collection were the most commonly used in both journal articles and conference abstracts. Twelve percent of journal articles used samples from more than one of the studied collections, while 32% used samples from at least one of the studied collections, plus samples from another collection, with the most commonly cited being the Knoxville Donated Skeletal Collection at the University of Tennessee. 

Collection usage based upon (a) journal articles, (b) American Association of Biological Anthropologists conference abstracts, and (c) American Academy of Forensic Sciences conference abstracts. Simon et al. (2026).

The majority of both research papers and conference abstracts had methodological aims. Anthropological aims were most common in the American Association of Biological Anthropologists conference abstracts, but almost absent from the American Academy of Forensic Sciences conference abstracts. 

The oldest journal article was from 1920, and was a paper by Thomas Wingate Todd discussing ageing of the pubic symphysis in individuals in the Hamman-Todd Collection.

Ossa innominata of specimen 571, male, white, age sixty-nine. An illustration from Thomas Wingate Todd's 1920 paper Age changes in the pubic bone. I. The male white pubis. At the time Todd was an advocate of the theory of racial determinism, which held that education and environment were less important than heredity in development, but in later life came to reject these ideas. Todd (1920).

Methodological aims became less common over the 124 years of the study, but still represent the largest category, representing 69% of all journal articles. The number of research articles using historical anatomical skeletons has been increasing over the past decade. The number of anthropological studies has increased over the total time-frame, but still makes up only 14% of the total. Thirteen studies from journals were placed into more than one category, but in only three of these was anthropology one of those categories. Eighty one percent of the journal articles were hypothesis-driven research. Only three of the journal articles were review studies or meta-analyses.

Total count of journal articles with each research aim category between 2014 and 2024. Some journal articles are counted more than once due to having more than one research aim. Simon et al. (2026). 

Slightly over half of the American Association of Biological Anthropologists conference abstracts had methodological research aims, while 36% had anthropological aims. Six of these abstracts had both methodological and anthropological aims. In the American Academy of Forensic Sciences conference abstracts, 98.3% had methodological aims, while one had an anthropological aim and one had both an anthropological and a methodological aim. Almost all of the conference abstracts related to hypothesis-driven research, there were no review papers or meta analyses. The most common subject of the methodological research was sex determination, comprising 39.1% of the American Association of Biological Anthropologists conference abstracts and 50.9% of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences conference abstracts. This was followed by age determination, which made up 23.4% of the American Association of Biological Anthropologists conference abstracts and 33.3% of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences conference abstracts.

Frequency of methodological and anthropological research aims from journal articles between (a) 1975 and 2024, and (b) 2014 and 2024. Simon et al. (2026).

The number of American Association of Biological Anthropologists conference abstracts fluctuated considerably from year-to-year over the course of the studied period, but there has been no evidence of any decline in the number of methodological samples. There did appear to be an increase in the number of anthropological studies over the time period, although the variation in the number of anthropological studies over the entire period was less than the year-to-year variation in the number of methodological studies.

Total count of American Association of Biological Anthropologists abstracts with each research aim category between 2014 and 2024. Some abstracts are counted more than once due to having more than one research aim. Simon et al. (2026).

Due to the overwhelming preponderance of Methodology driven research in the American Academy of Forensic Sciences conference abstracts, no statistical analysis of this data was attempted. However, Simon et al. did note that there the number of studies using specimens from historical anatomical collections did decline over time.

Frequency of American Academy of Forensic Sciences abstracts that address methodological research aims with a historical anatomical skeleton collection sample between 2014 and 2024. Simon et al. (2026).

Of the ten most cited journal articles in the study, eight were methodology-based, while two fell in the 'other' category, one of these having addressed the subject of secular change in bone length, and the other the demographics of the skeletons in the Robert J. Terry Anatomical Collection. These most referenced papers were typically studies which had introduced methods which had become widely used, with six of the eight written before 2000.

Simon et al. also looked at what sort of journals tended to publish articles containing data from historical anatomical skeleton collections, concluding that the majority of such articles were published in forensic anthropology journals.

Simon et al. note an overall decline in the use of historical anatomical skeleton collections in research, along with a declining number of methodology-related studies, which have previously been the greatest users of such collections. The number of anthropological studies of material from historic collections was observed, but only in the American Association of Biological Anthropologists conference abstracts. Simon et al. propose two possible explanations for these results, either a declining usefulness for historical specimens within forensic anthropology, or a cultural shift away from studying the remains of marginalised individuals without there consent. 

Much of the development of the science of forensic anthropology has come about through the use of remains from historical collections. However, in recent years, collections made up of donated skeletons have become increasingly available. At the same time, studies of secular changes in skeletal changes have shown that these historical collections are less scientifically useful for understanding modern populations. This decline in the use of historical collections for forensic purposes has not been accompanied by an equivalent increase in anthropological studies, probably because this lies outside the traditional goals of the science.

The ongoing discussion about the ethics of using human material that was not voluntarily surrendered appears to have driven a shift in the way they are used in research. As such collections have become less useful for forensic studies, it has also become clear that they are able to provide useful information about the lives of historically marginalised communities. This creates a moral dilemma which scientists are now beginning to address, and which will probably result in the development of new ethical codes for the use of such material.

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More than 100 dead in outbreak of Measles in Bangladesh.

More than 100 people have died of suspected Measles in an outbreak of the disease in Bangladesh. Cases started appearing in mid-March 2026, since when more than 7500 suspected cases have been reported, with more than 4600 people hospitalised, almost all of whom are young children, with about one third of those affected being under nine months old. Over 900 cases have been laboratory-confirmed, including 16 of those who lost their lives.

A patient being treated for Measles at the Dhaka Medical College in Bangladesh. Drik Picture Library/Getty Images.

Measles is a human disease caused by a Virus in the Paramyxovirus family. The Virus infects the respiratory tract, then spreads throughout the body. It can lead to major epidemics with significant morbidity and mortality, especially among vulnerable people. Among young and malnourished children, pregnant women, and immunocompromised individuals, including those with HIV, cancer or treated with immunosuppressives, Measles can cause serious complications, including severe diarrhoea, blindness, encephalitis, pneumonia, and death.

Thin-section transmission electron micrograph revealing the ultrastructural appearance of a single Viron, of the Measles Virus. The measles Virus is a Paramyxovirus, of the genus Morbillivirus. It is 100-200 nm in diameter, with a core of single-stranded RNA, and is closely related to the Rinderpest and Canine Distemper Viruses. Two membrane envelope proteins are important in pathogenesis. They are the F (fusion) protein, which is responsible for fusion of virus and host cell membranes, viral penetration, and hemolysis, and the H (hemagglutinin) protein, which is responsible for adsorption of virus to cells. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention/Wikimedia Commons.

Transmission is primarily person-to-person by airborne respiratory droplets that disperse rapidly when an infected person coughs or sneezes. Transmission can also occur through direct contact with infected secretions. Transmission from asymptomatic exposed immune persons has not been demonstrated. The Virus remains contagious in the air or on contaminated surfaces for up to two hours. A patient is infectious from four days before the start of the rash to four days after its appearance. There is no specific antiviral treatment for Measles, but most people recover within 2-3 weeks.

An effective and safe vaccine is available for prevention and control. The Measles-containing-vaccine first-dose is given at the age of nine months, while the Measles-containing-vaccine second dose is given at the age of 15 months. A 95% population coverage of Measles-containing-vaccine first-dose and Measles-containing-vaccine second dose is required to stop measles circulation.

In areas with low vaccination coverage, epidemics typically occur every two to three years and usually last between two and three months. However, their duration varies according to population size, crowding, and the population’s immunity status.

The Measles outbreak in Bangladesh this year is thought to have been linked to the recent political instability in the country, as well as the Covid-19 pandemic. Bangladesh typically runs a major Measles vaccination campaign every four years. However, the 2020 campaign is thought to have been disrupted by the diverting of staff and resources to deal with the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic, and the 2024 campaign was cancelled amid the political turmoil which led to the removal of the country's president, Sheikh Hasina, and the installation of an interim government under the economist Muhammad Yunus, which made repairing the country's economic and political systems a priority.

Following elections in February 2026, a new government was sworn in, led by Tarique Rahman of the Bangladesh National Party. This new government has launched a major new Measles vaccination campaign in response to the epidemic, beginning with 30 identified hotspots in 20 of the country's 64 districts, targeting 1.2 million children between the ages of six months and five years who have not received the vaccination. 

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Ugandan farmers attempt to stop oil pipeline in UK courts.

A group of farmers from across Uganda are attempting to prevent the completion of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline, which it intended to carry crude oil from western Uganda to the Indian Ocean port of Tanga in Tanzania, by bringing a court case in London against the pipeline's owner, EACOP Ltd., arguing that the construction of the pipeline contravenes Clause 39 of the Ugandan Constitution, which guarantees that 'Every Ugandan has a right to a clean and healthy environment', as well as breaching the Ugandan National Environment Act and National Climate Change Act.

The East African Crude Oil Pipeline is intended to carry oil from two oilfields, the Tilenga and Kingfisher oil fields, on the shores of Lake Albert, to the Tanzanian coast. The Tilenga Oil Field is being developed by the French multinational TotalEnergies, while the Kingfisher Oil Field is being developed by the China National Offshore Oil Corporation. Between them the two companies plan to drill more than 400 wells, eight of which will lie within the Murchison Falls National Park. Because of the dense nature of the oil, the pipeline will need to be heated to 50°C along its entire 1443 km length, making it the world's largest heated pipeline, and significantly increasing the project's carbon footprint. The project was initiated in 2016 and is 78% complete, having been the subject of numerous legal challenges and protests in East Africa.

The planned route of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline. TotalEnergy.

EACOP Ltd. is 62% owned by TotalEnergies, with the China National Offshore Oil Corporation owning 8%, and the Uganda National Oil Company and Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation owning 15% each. However, it is registered as a company in London, leading the Ugandan farmers to hope that bringing a case there may be effective. A number of previous cases brought in Uganda and Tanzania by farmers evicted from their lands to make way for the pipeline have been unsuccessful (according to figures provided by TotalEnergy, around 100 000 people in the two countries will have lost some land to the project, with around 5000 forced to relocate completely).

The project's leaders have asserted that the project is an essential part of the transition to carbon neutrality, and that it's footprint will be offset by a number of social and environmental projects. These include a package of US$19 million in payments plus US$22 in in-kind compensation for persons affected by the Tilinga Oil Field, and US$32 million in cash plus US$68 million in in-kind compensation for persons affected by the East African Crude Oil Pipeline, training in agricultural practices and small business-development, distribution of food  items recommended by the United Nations World Food Program (e.g. rice, pulses, oil), the rebuilding of a health centre in Buliisa District, funding for 338 students from Buliisa, Nwoya Pakwach, Nebbi and Masindi districts to take O-and A-level science courses, the renovation of twelve staff housing units at Anaka General Hospital, drilling of several boreholes in Bulisa District, which will improve access to water for 4000 people and 10 000 cattle, the provision of a number of 5-day courses at Makerere University  taught by professionals or experts from TotalEnergies, as well as access to six online courses for thousands of students, the construction of a 115 MW solar park and 100 MW wind farm in Tanzania, the construction of renewable energy projects capable of producing 60mw of energy, instillation of a 15mw solar plant at the Tilenga Central Processing Facility, the potential development of a 150mw solar thermal facility at the Tilenga Central Processing Facility, restoration of 10 km² of rain forest, the protection of 100 km² of natural forest, projects to protect populations of Antelopes and Giraffes in Murchison Falls National Park, and a wetlands restoration project in the White Nile Delta.

However, the Ugandan farmers, with the support of global campaign group Avaaz, contend that the environmental impact of the pipeline significantly outweighs any potential benefits in a number of ways. 

Firstly, the project is predicted to produce greenhouse gasses equivalent to 372 million tonnes of carbon dioxide over its planned 20 year lifetime. This is equivalent to the entire greenhouse gas emissions of Uganda for 58 years, significantly contributing to global climate change, something which is already impacting Uganda, which has suffered record-breaking floods, devastating and frequent droughts and erratic rainfall patterns in recent years.

Secondly, the pipeline is proposed to run through the Lake Victoria Basin, an environment where a significant oil leak or spill could have a catastrophic impact on Lake Victoria, an important natural habitat, source of water to people in three countries, and a major source of water to the Nile.

Thirdly, the pipeline is predicted to run through several internationally important wildlife reserves and habitats, including the Murchison Falls National Park, the Taala Forest Reserve, and the Bugoma Forest Central Forest Reserve, potentially impacting a range of habitats and endangered species. 

To this end they have appointed solicitor Joe Snape of the UK law firm Leigh Day, which specialises in environmental and humans rights cases with international dimensions, to represent them in London, and hope to begin legal proceedings in May 2026. 

Snape, who has previously represented members of the Ogale and Bille communities of the Niger Delta who have been affected by the activities of oil companies, has stated that 'Our clients believe the EACOP pipeline will result in enormous damage to the global climate as well as severe damage to their local environment. Our clients are already living on the frontline of the climate crisis and argue this pipeline will only exacerbate the impact they, and other vulnerable communities around the world, experience on their lives and livelihoods. They are calling for the pipeline construction and operations to be halted to stop this damaging impact on the climate in Uganda and elsewhere around the world.'

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