Showing posts with label Ceramics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ceramics. Show all posts

Friday, 19 January 2024

Neolithic tools from the Late Glacial of the lower Amur River Basin.

The onset of the Neolithic is generally assumed to coincide with the appearance of pottery in northeastern Asia, with some of the earliest pottery appearing in the Amur, or Heilongjiang, River Basin. Two distinct ceramic-producing cultures appeared in the lower Amur River Basin during the Late Glacial, the Osipovka and the Gromatukha, both of which are thought to have emerged as nomadic bands of hunter gatherers began to settle down in the region. The southernmost site associated with the Osipovka Culture is at Xiaonanshan Hill on the west bank of the Ussuri River, a large tributary of the lower Amur.

In a paper published in the journal Antiquity on 13 December 2023, Jian-Ping Yue of the School of History at Anhui University, and the Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, You-Qian Li of the Heilongjiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, Xia-Jun Yan of the Shaanxi Archaeological Museum, Xue-Ya Du, also of the School of History at Anhui University, and Shi-Xia Yang, also of the Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, and of the Australian Research Centre for Human Evolution at Griffith University, describe a new site on the northern slope of the Xiaonanshan Hill, and report on the lithic tools and dating evidence uncovered there.

Xiaonanshan Hill is located on the west bank of the Ussuri River in Raohe County, Heilongjiang Province, which is the most northeasterly province of China. The first archaeological remains were found on the hill in 1958, with sporadic excavations being caried out in the 1970s, 80s, and 90s. Since 2015 the site has been subjected to more systematic archaeological exploration, with five distinct phases of occupation identidified, ranging from about 16 000 years ago to about 2000 years ago. 

The Redianchang area on the northern flank of Xiaonanshan Hill was explored in 2021, with eight squares, covering a total area of 130 m². Four distinct stratigraphic units were identified, labelled 1-4, with Layer 1 being the uppermost and Layer 4 the lowest. The site was excavated in 50 mm increments, with the location of lithic artefacts larger than 10 mm being recorded. A total of 16 484 such lithic artefacts were recovered, more than 77% of them from Layer 3. This layer also yielded a piece of charcoal, from which a radiocarbon date of 16 785–16 390 years before the present was obtained.

The landscape of Xiaonanshan showing dates of excavations (a) & (b); and excavation squares and stratigraphy of the Redianchang locality in 2021 (c) & (d). Yue et al. (2023).

The majority of the stone tools from Redianchang are made from volcanic tuff, a type of rock readily available in nearby riverbeds, with small amounts of basalt, agate and obsidian also used. Tools were made by microblade, blade and core-flake debitage (flaking) with microblade debitage being the most common type. These had been shaped using the 'Yubetsu technique', which has been recorded at End Pleistocene sites across northeast Asia from Mongolia to Kamchatka, as well as in Japan (where it was first identified). In this technique pebbles or other pieces of rocks were shaped bifacially by the removal of longitudinal spalls to create a platform. Other microblades were made by successive transverse removals to form a platform. Both techniques involved the use of pressure knapping. Simple core-flake and blade reduction are also present.

Microblade cores from Xiaonanshan: (a) & (c)–(f ) microblade cores prepared with the Yubetsu method; (b) & (g) microblade cores with platform formed by successive transverse removals. Yue et al. (2023).

Two hundred formal tools were identified; scrapers, endscrapers, points, borers, notches and denticulates together made up 58% of this material. Most of these were made using flakes as blanks for the creation of the new tools, but there was little morphological standardisation. Bifacial points make up 15% of the total, these showing a high degree of symmetry achieved through careful shaping. Microblades, made by shaping the end to form a fine tip, make up 18.5% of the total, and adzes another 8%, some of which had been shaped by grinding. A single stone sinker (stone with a carved groove, believed to have been used as a fishing weight) was identified.

Crests (a) & (b), microblades (c)–(e) and retouched microblades (f)–(h) from Xiaonanshan. Yue et al. (2023).

The Redianchang assemblage is dominated by microblade debitage tools, made using the Yubetsu techniques, as well as scrapers, bifacial points, retouched microblades and chipped/polished adzes. Similar assemblages were found at other locations on Xiaonanshan during excavations in 2019 and 2020, along with early ceramics, hearths and dwellings. The ceramics comprised low-temperature pottery sherds, often with grass imprints on both sides. Two semi-subterranean dwellings were found, one of which had a central hearth. Radiocarbon dates from these sites yielded dates of between 16 500 and 13 500 years before present, consistent with Xiaonanshan Phase 1. Artefacts show similarities to material from the middle and lower Amur River Basin, including the Gromatukha site, which gives its name to the Gromatukha Culture, and the Gasya, Khummi and Goncharka-1 sites, all of which are associated with the Osipovka Culture.

Bifacial points from Xiaonanshan. Yue et al. (2023).

The combination of technologies seen at Xiaonanshan, including stone-grinding, early pottery, and semi-subterranean dwellings, are consistent with a Late Glacial hunter gatherer population that was starting to settle into a less nomadic lifestyle, and developing new technologies which made better use of locally available resources. This suite of technologies mark the beginning of the Neolithic in the Amur Basin of northeast Asia.

Stone adzes (a) & (b) and sinker (c) from Xiaonanshan. Yue et al. (2023).

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Sunday, 17 December 2023

Revisiting the 1980s excavations at the Dia Mound Complex in Mali.

Close to the small town of Dia (or Jà) in the western Inland Niger Delta of Mali lies the Dia Mound Complex, comprising three extensive occupation mounds, similar to the Jenne-jeno mound complex close to the city of Djenné near the southeastern marginof the Inland Niger Delta (the names 'Jenne' and 'Djenné' are interchangeable for the city, with Djenné having been favoured by the French colonial government, and Jenne by the post-colonial government of Mali, although the name has never been officially changed - both would be pronounced as 'Jenny' by an English-speaker). 

Many peoples in the region claim ancestry from Dia, including the numerous Bozo and Marka groups. Like Djenné and Timbuktu, Dia forms part of the ancient trade network of the region, although unlike these cities it appears to have never been a major commercial centre, but instead is a religious centre to both the Muslim and Pagan peoples of the western Sahel region. The Marabouts (Islamic scholars) of the town are thought to manufacture especially powerful amulets, while in the Pagan Mande origin story, the rainbow which marked the north-south axis of the world at the beginning of time had its northern end at Dia.

Dia is thought to have flourished as an important religious centre after the fall of the ancient Ghana Empire, with clerics from the city spreading Islam westward to the Senegambia region, southward along the Niger, and eastward toward Hausaland. Dia may be the city of Zagha, which was captured by the Songhai Emperor Askia Muhammad I, although the oral histories of the city do not mention being part of the Songhai Empire. The recorded history of the town effectively begins with the advent of the (Pagan) Jawara Dynasty in the fifteenth century; this dynasty lasted until the mid-nineteenth century, and this long period of Pagan rule may have led to the high degree of emphasis being placed upon the magical powers of the city's Islamic scholars.

In the mid 1980s the Dia Mound Complex was the subject of a series of excavations led by Susan Keech McIntosh of the Department of Anthropology at Rice University, and Roderick McIntosh of the Department of Anthropology at Yale University, although the limited available dating technologies of the 1980s, combined with the small number of excavations carried out at other sites in the western Sahel at that time, limited the interpretation of the excavated material. In a paper published in the journal Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa on 1 December 2023, McIntosh and McIntosh revisit the results of their 1980s excavations at Dia, and interpret the material recovered in the light of improved dating techniques and information from subsequent archaeological work in the Inland Niger Delta of Mali.

Map of the Inland Niger Delta and sites and regions mentioned in the text. Top inset shows archaeological sites investigated in 1986–1987. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

McIntosh and McIntosh carried out excavation work at two large mounds in the Dia Mound Complex, Mara and Shoma (the town of Dia sits on the third large mound). All three large mounds, and a number of smaller ones, sit on a levee system about 5 km from the river Diaka, a major branch of the Niger. The mound complex, and town, sit at the northwest of a floodplain which is inundated between August and December, and utilised for the cultivation of African Rice.

The Shoma Mound has not been occupied at any time within historical memory. The Mara mound was occupied until the nineteenth century, when the town was taken over and Islamised by Seku Amadu, founder of the Massina Empire, and the settlement was moved to its current location the Dia mound. Cotton was grown on the Mara and Shoma mounds in the 1960s, but this had ceased by the 1980s. Part of the Mara mound is covered by a cemetery used to this day.

McIntosh and McIntosh excavated three trenches in 1986 and 1987, two on the Shoma Mound, and one on the Mara Mound.

The first trench, Sh7, was made at a high point on the western part of the Shoma Mound, where there was an extensive surface scattering of pottery fragments, including examples of styles from all occupation phases at the Jenne-jeno mound complex. A 2.0 by 1.5 m trench was excavated with a north-south orientation, cutting through 15 natural layers to a depth of 4.5 m, although in the lowest parts the size of the trench was reduced to 2.0 m by 85 cm. Levels 1-5 (where Level 1 is the uppermost), 7-9, and 11-14 showed remains of active occupation, while layers 6 and 10 contained significantly less traces of Human activity.

The second trench, SCW, intersected with a periphery wall exposed on the western edge of the Shoma Mound. At the site chosen for the excavation, a section of the wall had been exposed by a narrow gully, and partially collapsed, exposing a mass of irregular sun-dried bricks. This wall was apparently made up of two layers, with loose bricks between. The outer wall was made up of irregular cylindrical bricks averaging about 20 cm long and 9 cm in diameter (cylindrical bricks, known as 'Djenné ferey' are still used in the region). The bricks of the loose fill were orientated randomly, and averaged 15.5 cm in length and 10.3 cm in diameter. The whole wall appears to have been about 3.5 m thick, comparable to the excavated city wall at Jenne-jeno, which was 3.4 m thick. In the 1990s increased rainfall in the region exposed a wall on the northern perimeter of the mound with a zig-zag configuration; this may also have been the case on the western side of the mound, where the orientation of the wall, at 45° to the margin of the mound, was considered hard to interpret at the time of the excavations. 

Shoma SCW: photograph of the excavation area. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

The SCW trench measured 2.5 m by 75 cm, and extended downwards for 1.98 m, 95 cm beneath the base of the wall. In the bottom part of the trench, the size was reduced to 1.40 m by 75 cm. Nine layers were excavated in this trench, the uppermost five yielded grey clay and heavy loam with elongated and cylindrical bricks, layers 6-8 produced a light clay, upon which the wall had apparently been built, while layer 9 was a friable pale brown sandy loam, with occasional scattered artefacts, which made up the bottom 28 cm of the trench, and presumably some way deeper.

The third trench, D6, was excavated on a high part of the Mara Mound, to the east of the cemetery. This area again had abundant surface pottery, which showed similarities to pottery from phases IV and V at Jenne-jeno, which has been dated to the second millennium AD. The trench measured 2 m by 2 m and was orientated north-south, extending downwards for 4.05 m, passing through 14 sediment layers. In the lower parts the dimensions of the trench were reduced to first 1 m by 2 m, orientated east-west, and then 1 m by 1.25 m. The first five layers at this site exposed cylindrical mud bricks, from an apparent wall collapse, as well as a number of refuse pits. Layers 6-8 were made up of a clay material, which might have been formed by the melting of mud bricks, with no other artefacts present. Layers 9-13 were composed of a homogeneous loamy material, with fluctuating levels of pottery fragments, and an increasing amount of limonite (an iron oxide material which forms in waterlogged soils) in the lower layers. Layer 14 was comprised of similar material, but with no pottery inclusions, and reached the water table.

At all three sites, cylindrical bricks of the Djenné ferey type were present in the upper layers. These bricks spread along the middle Niger in the second millennium AD, and is believed to have been spread by masons from Djenné. At Sh7 and D6 the lower layers contained thin-walled, well-fired pottery similar in style to that from the earliest stages at Jenne-jeno. At SCW similar pottery was found along with the brick deposits.

In order to establish a chronology for the Dia Mound Complex sites, McIntosh and McIntosh first examined the pottery fragments for signs of time-sensitive trends. Most of the pieces were small, and showed only a single decorative element, so McIntosh and McIntosh sorted these by decorative element (having first identified pieces likely to have come from the same pot, to avoid double-counting). Decorative elements present include lip, variou sforms of twine/fibre rouletting, paint (red, white, black) and plastic techniques, such as channelling (created by incising with a multi-toothed tool), comb-impression, stamping, fingernail impression and shallow comb-dragging. 

Shoma and Mara: decorative motifs on sherds from the 1986–1987 excavations. Top row (early): braided twine, fish vertebrae roulette, folded fibre strip and twisted twine roulette, fine folded fibre strip roulette overlain by stem dragging, same on Ev1 rim, cord-wrapped stick; middle row: fibre strip roulette overlain by comb drag, polychrome (black or white in channelling or over roulette plus red slip), white on red geometric; bottom row (late): beaded carinated rim with finger nail impression, stamping with white fill, red paint splashed. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

Rim fragments were also sorted into groups, using a classification derived from one used on the Jenne-jeno material, with all rim sherds from each level in each excavation unit described in terms rim angle, rim diameter (where determinable), slip (presence/absence, colour, position on sherd) and decoration (details of twine/fibre roulette, paint, plastic decoration and their position on the sherd).

Shoma and Mara: rim forms recorded 1986–1987. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

The pottery at sites Sh7 and D6 showed significant changes over time, with some layers showing similarity between the two sites, and some showing similarity with Jenne-jeno. Twine/fibre rouletting is present on over half of the fragments where only a single style of decoration is present. The patterns are similar at the two sites in the lowest layers, but in the upper layers the styles diverge significantly. Multiple styles of decoration on the same piece of pottery are quite rare, but where present some changes over time can be seen. This is most commonly found on rim fragments, with early examples from Sh7 showing rim pieces with two different forms of roulette decoration in adjacent, slightly overlapping fields. This is also present in early layers at Jenne-jeno. Curiously, at D6 this pattern is present at low levels throughout the occupation, while it disappears at both Sh7 and Jenne-jeno. Painted pottery with decoration is present at both sites, with lower layers at Sh7 showing black and white patterns painted over a comb-dragged decoration, while at D6 upper layers produce a pattern of stamps over comb decoration.

The pottery in the lowest layers at both Sh7 and D6 is remarkably well-made, from a well-mixed and homogeneous paste comprised primarily of clay and silt with fine sand and finely ground grog. These pots have thin, even walls typically between 3 mm and 8 mm thick, and with a very smooth finish. This type of pottery has also been found in the earliest layers at Jenne-jeno, although here it only makes up about 10-15% of the assemblage. This fine pottery disappears in later layers at all three sites, being replaces with a thicker-walled pottery with a grog temper and a large number of voids. The fine-pottery producing layers at Jenne-jeno have been dated to the last two centuries BC, and the early centuries AD. Fine pottery of this type is more prevalent in higher layers at SWC, though McIntosh and McIntosh attribute this to old pottery fragments being incorporated into clay bricks, then eroding out as the bricks weather. 

Rim fragments from the lower layers at Sh7 and D6 are almost exclusively made from the fine paste material, with a roulette impression pattern below the lip, which may or may not be covered by a slip. Three basic types of pottery are common: Bowls with simple, unrestricted rims, quite often with cross-hatched red paint around the rim, globular jars with restricted rims that are slightly rolled outward at the lip, and ovoid jars with small, everted rims that are flattened at the lip. The bowls and globular jars are also common in the lowest layers at Jenne-jeno. Potlids, long-necked bottles and globular vessels that differ mainly in lip shape are also present.

The nature of this pottery assemblage changes in layers 6-10 at Sh7, with the three earlier forms being replaced by an assemblage in which potlids and two classes of carinated pots are the most common items. Both types of pots are frequently decorated with multiple channels filled with white and/or black paint and/or geometric painted designs.

Shoma and Mara: pottery phases recognised in the 1986–1987 excavated assemblages. Top two rows: late; middle three rows: polychrome; lower three rows: early fineware. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

In layers 4 and 5 at Sh7, carinated rims remain common, but paint decoration becomes extremely rare. Instead, a new form of decoration appears, with fingernail impressions on the carination, beaded lips, and comb incised channels. Similar pottery is known from Phase IV at Jenne-jeno, which has been dated to between 900 and 1400 AD. However, in the Jenne-jeno material, braided twine replaces fibre strip as the dominant form of roulette, which never happens at Sh7.

Surprisingly, the rim decoration in the upper layer at D6 on the Mara Mound is quite different from that present in Sh7 on the Shoma Mound. Here plates, potlids and carinated rims, including the form of decoration appears, with fingernail impressions on the carination, beaded lips, and comb incised channels seen at Sh7, but there is also a large number of pieces with everted rims, something not seen at Sh7 and very rare at Jenne-jeno. No polychrome decoration is present on any pottery at D6, while stamping and comb impressions are common. Similar stamp motifs appear at Jenne-jeno, where they show a pattern of development; the impressions are small from 900 to 1400 AD, with larger impressions after 1500 AD. These late, large stamp impressions persist into the historic 'Sahona Tradition' of the southern Inland Niger Delta. The presence of everted rims, large amount of undecorated pottery, and common use of braided twine and large stamp decoration, occasionally with a white fill, strongly suggests that this pottery was made after 1400 AD. Similar pottery is known from the fourteenth to twentieth centuries at Jenne-jeno/Djenné, and from the nineteenth century at Hamdallahi on the eastern Inland Niger Delta. However, the D6 site has not yielded any Tobacco pipes, which are common throughout the Middle Niger from the seventeenth century onwards, suggesting that this assemblage predates the introduction of Tobacco to the region.

McIntosh and McIntosh also obtained a series of new radiocarbon dates for the assemblage, to better date the sequence. The oldest date obtained came from a burned Fish bone from the lowest level of collapsed brick at site SCW, which yielded a date of between 795 and 752 BC (with a 78% probability). This is surprising, as the layers beneath this yielded cultural items which would not be expected before the first millennium AD, which also show considerable patination and erosion, suggesting that they lay on the surface for some time before being buried. This all suggests that the wall was built on top of an accumulation of older material which had been washed downslope over a period of centuries. It is thought that the wall was probably built in the fourteenth century AD, the date obtained for the north wall at the site, although further investigation would be needed to confirm that the two walls are actually part of the same system. Unfortunately, a survey carried out in 1998-2003 did not detect a wall on the western part of the mound, possibly suggesting that it had been destroyed by a catastrophic erosion event since the 1980s.

The pottery fragments recovered from SCW are made from a fine material, and were thought to have been examples of ancient pottery incorporated into the bricks, which had then been eroded out. McIntosh and McIntosh now also note that this assemblage is dominated by pottery with flattened, everted rims, which is also common in the lowest levels at Sh7 and D6, supporting the hypothesis. They note that there appear to be two phases within the fineware assemblage at both sites, with the earlier one showing flattened everted rims. They suggest that this earlier fineware phase with everted, flattened rims, probably dates from 800-400 BC (which would support a common origin for the pottery fragments and Fish bone at SCW), while the later phase is likely to date from about 400 BC to about 200 AD. The material from the second fineware phase is almost identical to the material from the earliest phase at Jenne-jeno. No radiocarbon dates were obtained from the lowest layers at Sh7 and D6. However, excavations carried out by archaeologist Noémie Arazi on Shoma Mound in 1999-2002 produced similar pottery from layers which yielded radiocarbon dates of 2450 years before present and 2220 years before present, strongly supporting the idea that these earliest layers date to the first millennium BC.

Dia fineware from Shoma and Mara shown next to almost identical sherds from Phase I at Jenne-jeno. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

The middle levels at Sh7 (6-9) are curious in that they show evidence of settlement in a period otherwise apparently absent on Shoma Mound. A radiocarbon date for Level 9 was obtained in the 1980s, giving a result of between 892 and 1193, to which McIntosh and McIntosh add a new date, of 1040–1165 for Level 7. The only other dates from this period come from Azari's excavations on Shoma Mound, and comprise a date of 940 years before the present from a piece of charcoal found in a sandy layer beneath a level of collapsed brick dated to 460 years before present, and a fragment of Wheat within a pit dated to 1070 years before the present. A layer of sediment dated to between 2070 and 940 years before the present yielded no cultural materials, suggesting the mound was abandoned during this time. Interestingly, the cemetery on Mara yielded several burials dating to the tenth and eleventh centuries AD, although quite where these people lived has remained unclear. Layers 6-9 at Sh7 have yielded a distinctive polychrome pottery, not seen elsewhere in the Dia Mound Complex, apparently indicating a distinctive cultural presence, not detected elsewhere. The higher layers at Sh7 produced Phase IV at Jenne-jeno, which has been dated to between 900 and 1400 AD, as mentioned previously.

At the D6 site, a new date of between 466 and 386 BC was obtained from a piece of burned bone at the top of Layer 10 or bottom of Layer 9, lending further support to the idea that the material in these layers dates to the first millennium BC. Dates from higher in the sequence lead to the conclusion that there were two later phases of occupation, one in the eleventh century AD, and one n the fourteenth to eighteenth centuries AD. This sequence appears to have been slightly disturbed by pit digging around the site, something not detected during the 1980s excavations, but consistent with the use of bud-brick architecture.

Based upon comparison of the sequence of pottery to other sites on the Inland Niger Delta and the new radiocarbon dates, as well as data from the 1998-2002 excavations on Shoma and Mara mounds, McIntosh and McIntosh propose a chronology for the Dia Mound Complex.

Occupation began in the first millennium BC, by agropastoral and fishing groups using distinctive, thin-walled pottery. These are represented by layers 11-14 at Sh7 and 10-13 at D6, as well as in the lowest layers excavated in 1998-2002. The earliest evidence of occupation in Sh7 and D6 is on loamy clay levee deposits, while the earliest remains uncovered in 1998-2002 are on floodplain clays. The data from the 1986-87 excavations suggests that these peoples preferentially settled on the top of levees on the Diaka floodplain. In October 2013, flooding on this plain reached between the 270.5 and 271 m contours. Accurate surveying equipment was not available to the 1986-87 expedition, but it is thought this would have been above the lowest excavated layers in Sh7.

The lower layers at Sh7 and D6 contain alternating layers of light loams and light clays containing iron oxide inclusions that precipitate in standing water, suggesting that the area was prone to periodic flooding. The density of pottery in the lowest layers at Sh7 was 3-8 times as much pottery as at D6, suggesting D6 was only the occupied on a sporadic, short term basis. The level of water flowing through the Diaka and its associated floodplain appears to have varied over time. At D6 the pottery from Layer 12 has a thick surface deposits of dark iron or manganese oxide precipitate, suggesting a prolonged or repeated immersion in water. This suggests a variable environment with periodic flooding. The 1998-2002 excavations recovered several grains of African Rice, Oryza glaberrima, dated to this early period.

Fragments of the fineware from this early period continue, at a low level, at many sites on the Dia Mound Complex deposits. The evidence from SCW, of pieces of this earlier material being incorporated into bricks made almost 2000 years later, gives an explanation for this stratigraphic mixing.

The style of this early pottery has been linked to the earlier proto-Mande Tichitt Culture of eastern Mauritania, suggesting that these earliest settlers in the region migrated southward from the Tichitt region in the early first millennium BC.

This earlier occupation was followed by a hiatus, with little sign of Human activity until the first millennium AD. A distinctive layer of aeolian sand, lacking any artefacts, is present at four of the six sites excavated in 1998-2002, but absent from the other two of these sites, as well as Sh7 and D6. Rice grains derived from these sands have yielded dates of 1996 and 1878 years before the present. There are no signs of any occupation during this period, although it is possible that people were present at least seasonally, using the floodplain to grow Rice. The uppermost layers of the early occupation at D6 yield pottery fragments covered by a thick carbonate deposit, suggesting that they were exposed on the surface for a long period of time, with periods of immersion. 

At Sh7 a metre-deep layer producing evidence of occupation has been dated to between 900 and 1165 AD, while a similar deposit at D6 has yielded dates of between 1025 and 1150 AD. These deposits are particularly interesting for two reasons; firstly, no evidence of occupation during this period was found during other excavations at the Dia Mound Complex, and secondly, the material at the two sites is quite different. The Sh7 material is dominated by potlids and carinated pots, similar in style to material from Jenne-jeno which has been dated to between 800 and 1000 AD. At D6 a different style of pottery is present, dominated by pots with everted and thickened rims, and with different forms of decoration to that seen at Sh7.

The reason for this difference is unclear. It may simply be the result of pottery being used for different purposes at the two sites, or represent some difference in social standing between the peoples of the two sites. The Dia Mound Complex is close to a river system which formed an important transport corridor, and it is not unreasonable to expect pottery found in such an environment to reflect wider regional interactions. The polychrome pottery of Sh7 shows strong similarity to pottery from the same period at Jenne-Jeno, which in turn is part of a sequence of pottery found over the wider eastern upper Inland Niger Delta over the period 400-1400 AD. The pottery of D6, however, is quite different, showing cultural affinity with the Méma region to the north.

The presence of pottery at Sh7 with affinities for that of Jenne-jeno and the eastern Inland Niger Delta is interesting, and such pottery has not come from any other excavation site on Shoma. McIntosh and McIntosh speculate that this may represent a small group of people with ties to the eastern Inland Niger Delta. During the 1998-2002 excavations, it was noted that several sites had erosional surfaces which would coincide with this period, possibly suggesting that more material has been lost.

Carinated polychrome pottery resembling that from Phases II and III at Jenne-jeno (which have been dated to between 200 and 900 AD) was excavated from the Diohoun site at the confluence of the Diaka and Niger in the 1990s. The uppermost layers at Diohoun yielded material similar to the material from Sh7 and Phase IV at Jenne-jeno, and Arazi reported layers dating to the second half of the first millennium AD, which yielded significant quantities of carinated pottery and some black- and white painted ware on the Mara Mound, making this absence of pottery from other sites on Shoma more mysterious.

This phase appears to have been followed by another hiatus, then the appearance of a new inhabited phase on both Shoma and Mara, distinguished by extensive mud brick architecture. A number of radiocarbon dates have been recovered from these layers at sites on both mounds, ranging from 1275 to 1500 AD, which would coincide with the height of the Mali Empire. 

No radiocarbon data were recovered for this upper layer at Sh7, although the nature of the pottery found strongly suggests a thirteenth or fourteenth century date for these layers. At D6 a wall was constructed in the fifteenth century, and a number of pits contain pottery with decorative elements which suggest having been made post-1500, based upon comparison to material from elsewhere in the Niger Delta. This pottery was found alongside remains indicating a mixed economy based on fishing, domestic stock and the exploitation of wild resources, especially Birds. Similar faunal remains were recovered from later, post 1500, layers excavated in 1998-2002. These later excavations also recovered a small amount of material considered to be trade goods, including  four cowries, one copper pendant and four other fragments of copper and 18 glass beads. This is a surprisingly small amount of such material, given the extent of the excavations, suggesting that Dia was not an important trade hub during this period. This is consistent with the known history of the city, as a religious centre rather than a commercial site, although it is likely that agricultural goods, such as Rice and Cotton, as well as smoked or dried Fish, were also being produced and exported. 

Most of what is currently known about the Dia Mound Complex derives from the extensive excavations in 1998-2002. However, re-examination of the much smaller 1986-87 excavations does add somewhat to this knowledge. These digs were located on the edge of the Shoma and Mara mounds, while the later digs were concentrated on the central part, and uncovered evidence of sporadic occupation far earlier than the later sites uncovered, as well as evidence for a climate with a more active hydrological system, when the levee deposits were still being built up and the area was periodically covered by floodwaters. 

The Sh7 and D6 trenches from 1986-87 yielded distinct sequences of pottery, from which a distinct progression of styles can be seen, and compared to other sites on the Inland Niger Delta. This was not possible during the 1998-2002 excavations, probably because the stratigraphic sequence had been extensively turned over by pit-digging. Re-use of material for brick-making, as seen at SCW, is also likely to have added to this confusion. Nevertheless, McIntosh and McIntosh recommend that the pottery from the 1999-2002 excavations be re-examined for evidence of progression.

The material from the lowest layers, supports the hypothesis that two distinct phases can be observed in the first millennium BC, one associated with the earliest arrivals at Dia and a second, later one associated with the expansion of colonisation deeper into the eastern Inland Niger Delta, including Jenne-jeno.

The middle layer at Sh7 shows a distinct affinity to pottery from Jenne-jeno, something which was not recognised in any of the 1998-2002 material, and places the Dia Mound Complex within a wider cultural context that includes sites such as Tiébala and Diohoun. Surprisingly, pottery from the nearby D6 site shows closer affinities to the Méma region to the northeast of the Inland Niger Delta.

The absence of pottery from this period at any of the sites excavated in 1998-2002 is surprising. McIntosh and McIntosh suggest that this might be due to greater erosion at these sites on the mound summits, although it is possible that the settlements uncovered at Sh7 and D6 were very local in nature, and that the choice of these sites for excavation was extremely fortuitous. 

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Sunday, 17 September 2023

Australian National University agrees to return stolen artefacts to Italy.

The Australian National University has agreed to return three Greco-Roman items from the collection of its Classics Museum after establishing that they were removed from the country illegally, according to a press release issued by the university on 15 September 2023. The first of these items is an amphora with a depiction of Herakles slaying the Nemean Lion on one side and a pair of warriors fighting on the reverse, known as the Johnson Vase, which is believed to have come from the workshop of the Athenian artist Exekias, who was active between 545 and 530 BC. This item was purchased from an auction at Sotherby's in London in 1984, from a dealer subsequently identified as having been involved in the trade in stolen artefacts.

The Attic belly amphora, with two warriors in combat, a slain warrior between their feet and a male attendant figures to either side. Australian National Museum.

The Johnson Vase was identified as having been stolen from Italy by the Carabinieri Command for the Protection of Cultural Heritage, using an Artificial Intelligence system to search museum catalogues for missing art. After being contacted by the Caribinieri the Australian National University began an investigation into its collection, eventually identifying two further artefacts as stolen from Italy. The first of these, an Apulian red-figure Fish-plate, which was obtained in 1984 from Holland Coins and Antiquities, an American dealership run by David Holland Swingler, who was later unmasked as a major player in the international trade in stolen art, who smuggled stolen artefacts from Italy to the US in consignments of pasta and other foodstuffs. 

Georgia Pike-Rowney of the Australian National University with the Apulian Fish-plate. Jamie Kidston/Australian National Museum.

The third item identified as having been stolen from Italy was a Roman marble portrait head, again obtained from Sotherby's, although this time in 1968, and which was found to have belonged to the collection of the Vatican, and to have disappeared while display in the Lateran Palace in Rome.

A Roman marble head in the collection of the Australian National Museum, found to have been stolen from the Lateran Palace in Rome in thw 1960s. Jamie Kidston/Australian National Museum.

The Australian National Museum has reached an agreement with the Caribinieri whereby the Johnson Vase and Apulian Fish-plate will remain on display in the Classics Museum for four years, and remain in the collection for study for a further four years, before being returned to Rome. The Roman head is expected to be returned to the Vatican in the near future.

The depiction of Herakles slaying the Nemean Lion on the Johnson Vase. Bob Miller/Australain National Museum.

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Wednesday, 6 September 2023

Changing burial practices across the Neolithic/Iron Age boundary at the MARP-79 Cemetary in Karnataka State, southern India.

Between 2010 and 2018 the Maski Archaeological Research Project (MARP) searched for further signs of Neolithic activity around the Maski Neolithic settlement, which had been excavated in the nineteenth century. One of the most important finds of this survey was the MARP-79 Cemetery, a large funerary complex beneath an elongated prominence in the southern Deccan region, which appears to have been used for more than a thousand years, from the middle Neolithic into the early Iron Age, showing patterns of both continuity and change across this time interval.

In a paper published in the journal Antiquity on 27 June 2023, Peter Johansen of the Department of Anthropology at McGill University, and Andrew Bauer of the Department of Anthropology at Stanford University present new radiocarbon dates for a number of graves at the MARP-79 Cemetery, and discuss the implications of these for our understanding of the Neolithic/Iron Age cultural transition in southern India.

Map showing the location of the MARP-79 Cemetery and related archaeological sites. Johansen & Bauer (2023).

Archaeologists studying the prehistory of southern India have built up a picture in which the Neolithic/Iron Age transition is an abrupt boundary, probably with an imigrant population or culture completely supplanting the previous one. However, at MARP-79 a more gradual transition can be perceived, with a long-standing Neolithic culture adopting new cultural and technological practices in a more gradual way.

A range of different mortuary practices appear at the MARP-79 Cemetery by the beginging of the second millennium BC, probably indicating social distinctions within the community. These innovations include the nature if grave goods, with ceramic vessels with slip-coatings and polished surfaces appearing and then being replaced by first copper and then iron items, differing materials being used to construct coffins, notably terracotta and burnt organic material, a mixture of singular and shared graves, and different forms of stone grave markings.

The Neolithic of southern India has been studied since the nineteenth century. Initial studies found a wide range of ground and pecked stone tools across the southern Deccan region, which became known as the Stone Axe Culture. As well as Neolithic stone tools, this culture also produced a variety of course, handmade ceramics, notably the Burnished Grey and Dull Red Ware traditions. Studies at sites such as  Brahmagiri and Piklihal enabled archaeologists to build up a picture of changing ceramic styles and settlement patterns over the span of the southern Indian Neolithic, which was later refined by the addition of radiocarbon dating and the study of macrobotanical remains.

This Neolithic culture appears to have farmed domesticated Sheep and Goats, along with a number of locally domesticated crops known as the South Indian Crop Package, which includes a selection of pulses and millets. By the beginging of the second millennium BC, northern Indian crops such as Wheat and Barley begin to appear, and become increasingly important over time, and from about 1600 BC, African crop Plants begin to appear. These crop introductions coincide with the appearance of new types of ceramics, notably necked jars. 

This appearance of crops Plants which were domesticated in other regions are indicative of this culture being part of an expanding exchange network, which makes it highly likely that they were also exchanging cultural ideas with other areas. This is further supported by the appearance of materials such as carnelian and lapis lazuli, neither of which occur in the region. These changes coincide with the decline and abandonment of the cities of the Indus Valley Civilization in northern India, the adoption of the earliest copper technologies, and the importation of some funrrary practices from the northern Deccan region.

Settlements in the southern Deccan region during the Neolithic typically comprised small villages or camps made up of circular wattle and daub houses, with sites outside the boundary of the settlement used for stone tool preparation, butchery, and the holding of Animals. Some of these settlements had distinctive ash mounds, large piles of ash and vitrified Cattle dung, which may have been associated with periodic feasting.

The area covered by the Maski Archaeological Research Project covers an area of 64 km², and contains four Neolithic settlements. These are the original Maski settlement (MARP-97), a multi-period site 1.5 km to the north of the cemetery, which was first excavated in the 1950s, MARP-64, a newly discovered small settlement running across several adjacent hill terraces which lies 6 km to the northwest of MARP-79,  and MARP-155 and MARP-203, which are both interpreted as small hilltop herding camps, which have produced scatterings of stone tools and ceramic fragments, and which lie to the north and south of MARP-79.

Map of the MARP study area, illustrating the relationship of MARP-79 with Neolithic settlements. Areas in black outline represent survey blocks; the site area at MARP-97 represents the surface area of the multi-component site and not the extent of Neolithic settlement, which is unknown. Johansen & Bauer (2023).

The Neolithic burial practices of the southern Deccan region include a number of infant urn burials, and adult pit graves, found both within and outside settlements. The most common of these are infants and sub adults buried in urns withing settlements, although some of these are buried in simple pits without urns. Urn burials typically contain a single individual, although sometimes two individuals are found within the same urn. Burial goods are extremely rare. The form of the urns varies considerably.

Where sites can be established to have gone through several phases of settlement, then burial practices can be shown to have changed over time. Most adults are buried in extended pits, with ceramic grave goods including examples of Burnished Grey Ware and plain terracotta. There is limited variation between these sites, although the orientation of the body can differ, both primary and secondary burials have been found (secondary burials occur when a body is buried, then dug up and buried again), the covering of part or all of the grave with stones, and the presence and variety of grave goods, which can include ceramic vessels, with bowls and spouted jars being the most common, as well as chipped and ground stone tools. 

At the Tekkalakota and Ramapuram, where a succession of burial styles can be seen, later graves can be observed to contain a greater quantity of grave goods, including polished ceramics with slip coatings, conforming to the Black-and-Red Ware, Slipped and Polished Black Ware, and Slipped and Polished Red Ware styles, which are otherwise associated with Iron Age Megalithic burials. At Ramapuram later burials comprise stone cairns and cists, and use burned organic material coffins. Here grave goods from these late burials include up to 29 vessels, made from a mixture of styles including Burnished Grey Ware and Black-and-Red Ware, and in some cases copper and iron artefacts. Burned organic coffins and a mixture of ceramic styles were also found during the Maski excavations in the 1950s, as well as Neolithic and Iron Age settlement phases.

However, all of this is based upon a very small number of burials in and around settlements; the known number of burials in the area has long been observed to be much lower than would be expected given the other archaeological remains found, leading to speculation that burials were occurring at other, undiscovered sites. One possible solution to this was presented by the discovery of a possible Neolithic cemetery at Nagarjunakonda in Andhra Pradesh, although this site, which included remains dating from the Lower Palaeolithic to the sixteenth century, including a significant Buddhist temple complex, was flooded by the construction of a dam in the early 1960s, preventing any further investigations.

The MARP-79 Cemetery was discovered in 2012 during a foot-survey of the area by archaeologists from the Maski Archaeological Research Project. A number of burial sites had been exposed by gravel quarrying activities, with graves visible in plan and section within gravel pits. A total of 21 partially exposed burials were found, and it is believed that hundreds more may have been lost due to the quarrying activities, while others may lie undisturbed in other portions of the site. The exposed graves were carefully photographed and drawn, and surface materials were collected. Three graves were excavated in 2018-19.

Map of MARP-79, with the location of recorded burial. Johansen & Bauer (2023).

Thirteen pieces of charcoal, obtained from seven of the graves, yielded radiocarbon dates of between 2472-2335 BC and 1222–1117 BC, enabling Johansen and Bauer to track changes in mortuary practices within the cemetery for over a thousand years. The oldest grave, Burial 12, dates from the Neolithic IB stage, and is a simple pit burial with modest furnishings, including broken micaceous dark grey ceramic fragments, observed in section (from the side).

MARP-79 Burials 1, 2, 3 and 12 exposed in section. Johansen & Bauer (2023).

Simple pit burials like this persist past the turn of the second millennium BC, with examples such as Burial 7, which is dated to between 1895 and 1756 BC, and which is another simple pit burial observed in section, containing fragments of slipped and unpolished ceramic. However, by this time other types of burial are also being practiced, including terracotta sarcophagus burials, such as Burial 8, which has been dated to between 1934 and 1700 BC, which in addition had grave goods including Black-and-Red Ware slipped and polished serving vessels and a dolerite ground stone axe. Also present by this stage are burials in which coffins made of combusted organic material contain defleshed coffins, such as Burial 11, which also had grave goods, including five short-necked, globular, red slipped ware jars and seven slipped and polished Black-and-Red Ware serving vessels. Both of these burial types are common in the Iron Age of southern India, and have previously been taken as evidence of a separate, Iron Age culture with more sophisticated burial customs, which was thought to have abruptly replaced the simpler Neolithic culture.

Burial 11 excavated, with burned organic coffin exposed in plan. Johansen & Bauer (2023).

A number of further combusted coffin burials (burials 1, 6, and 19) were dated to the e fifteenth and twelfth centuries BC, apparently continuing the funeral tradition first seen in Burial 11 some centuries previously. Again, the remains within the coffins have been defleshed prior to burial, and the grave goods include slipped and polished serving vessels and globular slipped jars, although Burial 6 also contains four carnelian beads and a copper bangle, and Burial 19 contains a bladed iron tool and some Animal remains (Sheep and/or Goat), and was covered by stone slabs. Similar graves to this have been found at Thapar and Maski, and have been interpreted as evidence of a funerary feasting tradition at the Neolithic/Iron Age transition.

Burial 19: unexcavated burned organic coffin, with overlying capstones (A); partially excavated coffin, with excarnated skeletal remains exposed (B). Johansen & Bauer (2023).

Simple pit burials, and terracotta sarcophagus burials also persist into later phases at MARP-79. For example, Burial 2, which has not been directly dated, contains a terracotta sarcophagus covered by stone slabs, with grave goods including a slipped and polished ware serving vessels and an iron blade, indicating that it must be of Iron Age origin. Iron artefacts and evidence of iron working are known in southern India from at least the fourteenth century BC, while terracotta sarcophagi, including variants with legs and other embellishments are known from elsewhere in the Deccan region, and in wider southern India, with examples dating to as late as the Early Historic Period (300 BC-500 AD). 

Chronological chart documenting the development of burial practices and grave inclusions at MARP-79. Johansen & Bauer (2023).

The use of stone slabs appears to be a progressive development, eventually developing into the megalithic graves of the southern Indian Iron Age. Such slabs are seen in conjunction with a variety of burial types, for example, Burial 3, an otherwise simple pit burial, which has not been dated but which contained a single slipped and polished red ware bowl, was covered by a layer of granite boulders. Burial 20 is an undated pit burial where the pit has been capped with two granite slabs, and these have in turn been covered by a circular cairn of boulders and cobbles, a style reminiscent of Iron Age and Early Historic Period burials elsewhere in southern India, although the grave goods consist only of a copper bracelet and a bone pendant. A similar burial was found at Terdal, with an apparently Iron Age burial containing typically Neolithic ceramics and a copper bangle. This suggests that instead of an abrupt replacement of Neolithic simple pit burials with Iron Age stone circles, cairns, and dolmens, these structures evolved from the pit burials, starting with the capping of the graves with stone slabs.

Burial 20: partially exposed in section prior to excavation (above), bone pendants in situ (left below), exposed skeletal remains (below centre) and excavated copper bracelet (below right). Johansen & Bauer (2023).

The MARP-79 Cemetery provides a record of changing funerary practices in the southern Deccan region dating back to at least the Neolithic IIB stage (defined as approximately 2000-1800 BC in southern India), showing that the dead were commemorated in a variety of ways within a single cemetery setting.  The site provides the earliest known examples of slipped and polished fine ware serving vessels and terracotta sarcophagi, with later burials also incorporating copper and iron objects. As well as greatly expanding our knowledge of Neolithic burial customs in the region, this is informative about the society carrying out these burials, with more sophisticated burial customs suggesting a larger population, with more people able to put resources into, and participate in a more elaborate burial, and evidence of funerary feasting, which again suggests a larger number of participants, and a population with sufficient resources to arange commemorative ceremonies, probably including feasting. The variety of different burial styles emerging from the Neolithic IIB onwards also suggests a more stratified society, with an uneven distribution of resources.

Notably, these findings challenge the perception that the Iron Age was notably different from the Neolithic in the southern Deccan region, and that this might reflect an incoming, more advanced, society displacing the Neolithic residents of the area, and introducing a new megalithic tomb-building style, at around 1200 BC. Johansen and Bauer's findings suggest a more gradual change-over between the two burial styles, and, importantly, provides radiocarbon dating evidence to support this. The MARP-79 Cemetery also provides the oldest known examples of slipped and polished fine ware serving vessels, dating from several centuries earlier than previously documented examples, further undermining the idea of an Iron Age, megalithic culture invading the area, and bringing this ceramic style with it. Instead this type of pottery appeared at MARP-79 in the Neolithic and persisted for hundreds of years into the Iron Age.

Early slipped and polished serving vessels from Burials 11 (above) and 8 (below). Johansen & Bauer (2023).

Terracotta sarcophagi, burned organic coffins, stone capped, burials, and cairns, all generally associated with Iron Age and Early Historic Period burials in southern India, appear in the Neolithic at MARP-79, with some of these elements also present at the undated Ramapuram and Tekkalakota burials. This sequential appearance of 'Iron Age' elements in Neolithic burials at MARP-79 runs against the previous interpretation of a static Neolithic culture being replaced by a very different Iron Age culture in southern India. Instead, the picture emerging from MARP-79 is one of a gradually changing culture adopting new technologies sequentially, including metal-working. 

MARP-79 records burial customs over a period of about 1500 years, from the Neolithic IIB stage into the early Iron Age. This site is the first Neolithic cemetery in southern India to have yeilded radiocarbn dates. The sequence begins with simple pit burials, later diversifying to include two different burial styles, intact remains being buried within terracotta sarcophagi, and defleshed skeletons placed within burned organic coffins. This suggests a degree of social partitioning within the living community, with different political or social groups with different funurary customs living in the same community. The radiocarbon ages obtained show that these different customs developed in parallel, through the Late Neolithic and into the Early Iron Age. Without the radiocarbon data, this progression would probably not have been identified, with the differing burials more likely to have been identified as coming from different periods. Johansen and Bauer observe that this demonstrates the danger of placing archaeological remains into broad cultural boxes, such as 'Neolithic' or 'Iron Age', which can hide more subtle, gradual changes.

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