Showing posts with label Mali. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mali. Show all posts

Tuesday, 2 December 2025

Ongoing Diphtheria Crisis affects eight African countries.

Between 1 January and 2 November 2025, 20 412 cases of suspected Diphtheria were recorded across the African continent, with 1252 people believed to have died from the disease (a case fatality ratio of 6%) according to a press release issued by the World Health Organization on 21 November 2025. Eight countries have recorded ongoing epidemics of Diphtheria, Algeria, Chad, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, and South Africa. Epidemics in some places have been ongoing since 2023, with the disease continuing to spread to new areas. 

In many areas, laboratory confirmation of cases remain the exception rather than the rule, due to a shortage of suitable testing facilities, as well as a shortage of diagnostic equipment. There is also currently a global shortage of Diphtheria Antitoxin, the most effective treatment for the disease, as well as a shortage of suitable facilities for administering the treatment in many areas. Many of the countries affected have extremely fragile healthcare systems, combined with large numbers of displaced persons and in many cases ongoing civil conflicts, leading to a strong possibility of the disease spreading further within the region. This has led the World Health Orgnization to categorise the crisis as a Grade 2 Emergency under the terms of the Emergency Response Framework.

Diphtheria is a highly contagious vaccine-preventable disease caused mainly by the Actinomycete Bacterium Corynebacterium diphtheria but also by the related Corynebacterium ulcerans. It spreads between people mainly by direct contact or through the air via respiratory droplets. The disease can affect all age groups; however, unimmunized children are most at risk.

Symptoms often come on gradually, beginning with a sore throat and fever. In severe cases, the Bacteria produce a poison (toxin) that causes a thick grey or white patch at the back of throat. This can block the airways, making it hard to breathe or swallow, and also creates a barking cough. The neck may swell in part due to enlarged lymph nodes.

Treatment involves administering Diphtheria antitoxin as well as antibiotics. Vaccination against Diphtheria has been effective in reducing the mortality and morbidity from Diphtheria dramatically. Diphtheria is fatal in 5-10% of cases, with a higher mortality rate in young children. However, in settings with poor access to Diphtheria antitoxin, the case fatality ratio can be as high as 40%.

Niger is suffering an ongoing Diphtheria epidemic which began in the Zinder Region in November 2022, and which has subsequently spread to the Adadez and Diffa regions, with 34 of the country's 72 districts reporting cases. In 2025, there have been 1926 suspected cases, with 122 deaths (a case fatality ratio of 6.3%), with 765 cases confirmed by laboratory testing. Attempts to combat the outbreak have been hampered by a severe humanitarian crisis, driven by civil conflict, climatic effects, economic breakdown, and a large number of displaced persons, with around 2.6 million people currently reliant upon humanitarian assistance. A vaccination program was initiated in September 2025, with uptake reported to be good, and a second round is being planned.

A woman receives a dose of Diphtheria vaccine in Niger. World Health Organization.

Nigeria has been suffering an ongoing Diphtheria epidemic since December 2022, and has the highest number of cases in Africa. In 2025 till November 2, a total of 12 150 cases were reported (8587 of which have been confirmed by laboratory testing), with 884 deaths (a case fatality ratio of 7.2%). Diphtheria has been reported this year from 240 local government areas in 30 of Nigeria's 36 states. This outbreak is disproportionately affecting children and adolescents, and is being exasperated by a low vaccine take-up rate, with around 71% of the population having received a first dose of vaccine and about 67% having received all three recommended doses. Nigeria is suffering from a shortage of vaccines, a limited ability to carry out laboratory testing, a poor public understanding of Diphtheria, and weak infection control practices.  

A Diphtheria outbreak has been ongoing in Chad since mid 2024, with 4462 cases and 47 deaths reported in 2025 to 2 November, a case fatality ratio of 1.1%. Most of the cases have been among children aged 3-13 years. Chad is currently at the centre of a humanitarian crisis triggered by conflicts in multiple neighbouring countries, as well as political instability within its own borders. It is currently home to 1.4 million refugees, including 870 000 from Sudan, as well as about 300 000 internally displaced people. This makes it hard to assess the vaccination status of much of the population in areas where the outbreak is ongoing.

A patient receiving treatment for Diphtheria at a hospital in Chad. Seigneur Yves Wilikoesse/Medecins Sans Frontieres.

Mali is suffering an ongoing Diphtheria epidemic, which began in the northern part of the country in September 2024, with 430 suspected cases and 29 deaths (a case fatality ratio of 6.7%) in 2025 till 2 November. The epidemic spread significantly during 2025, reaching seven of the country's eleven regions and 30 of 75 districts, including the capital city, Bamako. Mali is currently suffering a complex humanitarian crisis, driven by civil conflict and climate-related disruptions, with 6.4 million people currently reliant on humanitarian assistance. Vaccine uptake is low, with 91% of the population having received a first dose, and only 82% all three recommended doses. The country also has a shortage of Diphtheria Antitoxin, as well as a healthcare system which has been severely overstretched by the multiple crises in the country.

Mauritania is suffering a Diphtheria outbreak which began in September 2024, and has spread to 11 of the country's 53 departments, with 849 suspected cases and 33 deaths (a case fatality ratio of 4%). Mauritania has a fairly high vaccination rate for Diphtheria, with 95% of the population having received a first dose of the vaccine, and 86% having received all three doses, but it is also currently home to a population of 118 000 Malian refugees, with vaccine records only available for about 10% of this population. The epidemic also coincides with an outbreak of Rift Valley Fever in the same areas. Efforts to combat these outbreaks has been hampered by poor funding, logistical problems, and a shortage of skilled healthcare workers.

A child receiving treatment for Diphtheria at the Mbaerra Refugee Camp in Mauritania. World Health Organization.

A Diphtheria outbreak began in Guinea in June 2025, with 476 suspected cases and 123 deaths (a case fatality ratio of 25.8%, currently the highest of any affected country). Four of the country's 38 prefectures have been affected, although the outbreak is centred on the gold mining areas of Kankan, particularly in Siguiri District. Only 70 cases have been laboratory confirmed, largely due to a lack of facilities. Guinea also has a low vaccine uptake, with only 77% of the country having had a first vaccine dose, and 63% having received all three recommended doses. The country also has a chronic shortage of Diphtheria Antitoxin, as well as few facilities for treating patients.

Algeria is generally considered to be Diphtheria-free, with a high vaccination rate (98% of the population having received at least one vaccine dose, and 92% having received the recommended three doses). However, in recent years the southern part of the country has become host to a large number of displaced people, fleeing conflict zones in the Sahel Region. In 2024 this area suffered a Diphtheria outbreak in which over 900 people were infected and 119 people died (a case fatality ratio of 13%). A new outbreak was reported in southern Algeria in October 2025, with 13 people infected and two deaths. 

Uniquely among affected countries, the Diphtheria epidemic in South Africa is unrelated to the ongoing crisis in the Sahel Region. The country has a long history of sporadic outbreaks, although these are usually small and quickly contained. The current outbreak, however, first appeared in Western Cape in October 2023, and quickly spread to KwaZulu-Natal, since when it has proven hard to contain. In 2025 till November 2, a total of 106 cases of Diphtheria have been reported in South Africa, all of them laboratory confirmed - a total which includes 37 asymptomatic carriers. The epidemic is still centred on Western Cape, but cases have also been reported in Limpopo, Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, and Mpumalanga. Vaccination cover remains low in South Africa, with 76% of the population having received a first dose and 74% all three doses, and this is believed to be worsening. South Africa is also affected by the global shortage of Diphtheria Antitoxin, as well as a health service stretched by multiple other issues.

Geographical distribution of Diphtheria outbreaks in Africa, January 2025 until 2 November 2025. World Health Organization.

Diphtheria is a recurrent problem in many areas of Africa, with 18 789 cases reported between 2020 and 2022. However, this has become much worse since 2023, with 57 000 cases and about 2000 fatalities reported in 2023 and 2024, across  Algeria, Chad, Gabon, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria and South Africa, with Guinea, Niger, and Nigeria being the worst affected. The disease particularly infects children under 15, and females more than males. About 50% of those infected in 2020-24 are thought to have been unvaccinated. 

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Sunday, 16 February 2025

At least 48 deaths following collapse at gold mine in western Mali.

At least 48 people, most of them women and including at least one infant, have died in a collapse at a gold mine at Bilali Koto near the town of Kéniéba in the Kayes Region of western Mali on Saturday 15 February 2025. The incident is reported to have happened at an abandoned open-pit mine formerly operated by a Chinese company, which the women had entered to pan for gold, a traditional income-generating activity for women in the dry season in western Mali, and neighbouring parts of Senegal and Guinea, caried out since at least the time of the (famously gold-rich) medieval Mali Empire.

The approximate location of the 15 February 2025 Mali gold mine collapse. Google Maps.

Artisanal mining is widespread in many parts of Africa. It is often referred to as 'illicit', though in an area with little formal employment this is somewhat unfair, with local people viewing small scale mining as a traditional way of gaining some hard cash. The area is covered by poorly consolidated alluvial (river) sediments, washed out from the mineral rich Fouta Djallon Highlands, in neighbouring Guinea, since the last ice age. These loose sediments can be excavated and panned to produce small amounts of gold and diamonds. This can be a dangerous task, as sediments close to the surface are likely to have been worked by previous generations of villagers, requiring deeper pits to be dug into the, often waterlogged, sediments, with the accompanying risk of pit collapses. The Bilali Koto mine appears to have been originally excavated by a Chinese firm using machinery, but following its abandonment to have been entered by local women using artisanal tools.

West Africa has a distinct two season climatic cycle, with a cool dry season during the northern winter when prevalent winds blow from the Sahara to the northeast, and a warm rainy season during the northern summer when prevalent winds blow from the Atlantic Ocean to the southwest. These warm winds from the Atlantic are laden with moisture, which can be lost rapidly when the air encounters cooler conditions, such as when it is pushed up to higher altitudes by the Futa Jallon Mountains of Guinea, Sierra Leone and Liberia.

Rainfall and prevalent winds during the West African dry and rainy seasons. Encyclopaedia Britanica.

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Sunday, 17 December 2023

Revisiting the 1980s excavations at the Dia Mound Complex in Mali.

Close to the small town of Dia (or Jà) in the western Inland Niger Delta of Mali lies the Dia Mound Complex, comprising three extensive occupation mounds, similar to the Jenne-jeno mound complex close to the city of Djenné near the southeastern marginof the Inland Niger Delta (the names 'Jenne' and 'Djenné' are interchangeable for the city, with Djenné having been favoured by the French colonial government, and Jenne by the post-colonial government of Mali, although the name has never been officially changed - both would be pronounced as 'Jenny' by an English-speaker). 

Many peoples in the region claim ancestry from Dia, including the numerous Bozo and Marka groups. Like Djenné and Timbuktu, Dia forms part of the ancient trade network of the region, although unlike these cities it appears to have never been a major commercial centre, but instead is a religious centre to both the Muslim and Pagan peoples of the western Sahel region. The Marabouts (Islamic scholars) of the town are thought to manufacture especially powerful amulets, while in the Pagan Mande origin story, the rainbow which marked the north-south axis of the world at the beginning of time had its northern end at Dia.

Dia is thought to have flourished as an important religious centre after the fall of the ancient Ghana Empire, with clerics from the city spreading Islam westward to the Senegambia region, southward along the Niger, and eastward toward Hausaland. Dia may be the city of Zagha, which was captured by the Songhai Emperor Askia Muhammad I, although the oral histories of the city do not mention being part of the Songhai Empire. The recorded history of the town effectively begins with the advent of the (Pagan) Jawara Dynasty in the fifteenth century; this dynasty lasted until the mid-nineteenth century, and this long period of Pagan rule may have led to the high degree of emphasis being placed upon the magical powers of the city's Islamic scholars.

In the mid 1980s the Dia Mound Complex was the subject of a series of excavations led by Susan Keech McIntosh of the Department of Anthropology at Rice University, and Roderick McIntosh of the Department of Anthropology at Yale University, although the limited available dating technologies of the 1980s, combined with the small number of excavations carried out at other sites in the western Sahel at that time, limited the interpretation of the excavated material. In a paper published in the journal Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa on 1 December 2023, McIntosh and McIntosh revisit the results of their 1980s excavations at Dia, and interpret the material recovered in the light of improved dating techniques and information from subsequent archaeological work in the Inland Niger Delta of Mali.

Map of the Inland Niger Delta and sites and regions mentioned in the text. Top inset shows archaeological sites investigated in 1986–1987. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

McIntosh and McIntosh carried out excavation work at two large mounds in the Dia Mound Complex, Mara and Shoma (the town of Dia sits on the third large mound). All three large mounds, and a number of smaller ones, sit on a levee system about 5 km from the river Diaka, a major branch of the Niger. The mound complex, and town, sit at the northwest of a floodplain which is inundated between August and December, and utilised for the cultivation of African Rice.

The Shoma Mound has not been occupied at any time within historical memory. The Mara mound was occupied until the nineteenth century, when the town was taken over and Islamised by Seku Amadu, founder of the Massina Empire, and the settlement was moved to its current location the Dia mound. Cotton was grown on the Mara and Shoma mounds in the 1960s, but this had ceased by the 1980s. Part of the Mara mound is covered by a cemetery used to this day.

McIntosh and McIntosh excavated three trenches in 1986 and 1987, two on the Shoma Mound, and one on the Mara Mound.

The first trench, Sh7, was made at a high point on the western part of the Shoma Mound, where there was an extensive surface scattering of pottery fragments, including examples of styles from all occupation phases at the Jenne-jeno mound complex. A 2.0 by 1.5 m trench was excavated with a north-south orientation, cutting through 15 natural layers to a depth of 4.5 m, although in the lowest parts the size of the trench was reduced to 2.0 m by 85 cm. Levels 1-5 (where Level 1 is the uppermost), 7-9, and 11-14 showed remains of active occupation, while layers 6 and 10 contained significantly less traces of Human activity.

The second trench, SCW, intersected with a periphery wall exposed on the western edge of the Shoma Mound. At the site chosen for the excavation, a section of the wall had been exposed by a narrow gully, and partially collapsed, exposing a mass of irregular sun-dried bricks. This wall was apparently made up of two layers, with loose bricks between. The outer wall was made up of irregular cylindrical bricks averaging about 20 cm long and 9 cm in diameter (cylindrical bricks, known as 'Djenné ferey' are still used in the region). The bricks of the loose fill were orientated randomly, and averaged 15.5 cm in length and 10.3 cm in diameter. The whole wall appears to have been about 3.5 m thick, comparable to the excavated city wall at Jenne-jeno, which was 3.4 m thick. In the 1990s increased rainfall in the region exposed a wall on the northern perimeter of the mound with a zig-zag configuration; this may also have been the case on the western side of the mound, where the orientation of the wall, at 45° to the margin of the mound, was considered hard to interpret at the time of the excavations. 

Shoma SCW: photograph of the excavation area. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

The SCW trench measured 2.5 m by 75 cm, and extended downwards for 1.98 m, 95 cm beneath the base of the wall. In the bottom part of the trench, the size was reduced to 1.40 m by 75 cm. Nine layers were excavated in this trench, the uppermost five yielded grey clay and heavy loam with elongated and cylindrical bricks, layers 6-8 produced a light clay, upon which the wall had apparently been built, while layer 9 was a friable pale brown sandy loam, with occasional scattered artefacts, which made up the bottom 28 cm of the trench, and presumably some way deeper.

The third trench, D6, was excavated on a high part of the Mara Mound, to the east of the cemetery. This area again had abundant surface pottery, which showed similarities to pottery from phases IV and V at Jenne-jeno, which has been dated to the second millennium AD. The trench measured 2 m by 2 m and was orientated north-south, extending downwards for 4.05 m, passing through 14 sediment layers. In the lower parts the dimensions of the trench were reduced to first 1 m by 2 m, orientated east-west, and then 1 m by 1.25 m. The first five layers at this site exposed cylindrical mud bricks, from an apparent wall collapse, as well as a number of refuse pits. Layers 6-8 were made up of a clay material, which might have been formed by the melting of mud bricks, with no other artefacts present. Layers 9-13 were composed of a homogeneous loamy material, with fluctuating levels of pottery fragments, and an increasing amount of limonite (an iron oxide material which forms in waterlogged soils) in the lower layers. Layer 14 was comprised of similar material, but with no pottery inclusions, and reached the water table.

At all three sites, cylindrical bricks of the Djenné ferey type were present in the upper layers. These bricks spread along the middle Niger in the second millennium AD, and is believed to have been spread by masons from Djenné. At Sh7 and D6 the lower layers contained thin-walled, well-fired pottery similar in style to that from the earliest stages at Jenne-jeno. At SCW similar pottery was found along with the brick deposits.

In order to establish a chronology for the Dia Mound Complex sites, McIntosh and McIntosh first examined the pottery fragments for signs of time-sensitive trends. Most of the pieces were small, and showed only a single decorative element, so McIntosh and McIntosh sorted these by decorative element (having first identified pieces likely to have come from the same pot, to avoid double-counting). Decorative elements present include lip, variou sforms of twine/fibre rouletting, paint (red, white, black) and plastic techniques, such as channelling (created by incising with a multi-toothed tool), comb-impression, stamping, fingernail impression and shallow comb-dragging. 

Shoma and Mara: decorative motifs on sherds from the 1986–1987 excavations. Top row (early): braided twine, fish vertebrae roulette, folded fibre strip and twisted twine roulette, fine folded fibre strip roulette overlain by stem dragging, same on Ev1 rim, cord-wrapped stick; middle row: fibre strip roulette overlain by comb drag, polychrome (black or white in channelling or over roulette plus red slip), white on red geometric; bottom row (late): beaded carinated rim with finger nail impression, stamping with white fill, red paint splashed. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

Rim fragments were also sorted into groups, using a classification derived from one used on the Jenne-jeno material, with all rim sherds from each level in each excavation unit described in terms rim angle, rim diameter (where determinable), slip (presence/absence, colour, position on sherd) and decoration (details of twine/fibre roulette, paint, plastic decoration and their position on the sherd).

Shoma and Mara: rim forms recorded 1986–1987. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

The pottery at sites Sh7 and D6 showed significant changes over time, with some layers showing similarity between the two sites, and some showing similarity with Jenne-jeno. Twine/fibre rouletting is present on over half of the fragments where only a single style of decoration is present. The patterns are similar at the two sites in the lowest layers, but in the upper layers the styles diverge significantly. Multiple styles of decoration on the same piece of pottery are quite rare, but where present some changes over time can be seen. This is most commonly found on rim fragments, with early examples from Sh7 showing rim pieces with two different forms of roulette decoration in adjacent, slightly overlapping fields. This is also present in early layers at Jenne-jeno. Curiously, at D6 this pattern is present at low levels throughout the occupation, while it disappears at both Sh7 and Jenne-jeno. Painted pottery with decoration is present at both sites, with lower layers at Sh7 showing black and white patterns painted over a comb-dragged decoration, while at D6 upper layers produce a pattern of stamps over comb decoration.

The pottery in the lowest layers at both Sh7 and D6 is remarkably well-made, from a well-mixed and homogeneous paste comprised primarily of clay and silt with fine sand and finely ground grog. These pots have thin, even walls typically between 3 mm and 8 mm thick, and with a very smooth finish. This type of pottery has also been found in the earliest layers at Jenne-jeno, although here it only makes up about 10-15% of the assemblage. This fine pottery disappears in later layers at all three sites, being replaces with a thicker-walled pottery with a grog temper and a large number of voids. The fine-pottery producing layers at Jenne-jeno have been dated to the last two centuries BC, and the early centuries AD. Fine pottery of this type is more prevalent in higher layers at SWC, though McIntosh and McIntosh attribute this to old pottery fragments being incorporated into clay bricks, then eroding out as the bricks weather. 

Rim fragments from the lower layers at Sh7 and D6 are almost exclusively made from the fine paste material, with a roulette impression pattern below the lip, which may or may not be covered by a slip. Three basic types of pottery are common: Bowls with simple, unrestricted rims, quite often with cross-hatched red paint around the rim, globular jars with restricted rims that are slightly rolled outward at the lip, and ovoid jars with small, everted rims that are flattened at the lip. The bowls and globular jars are also common in the lowest layers at Jenne-jeno. Potlids, long-necked bottles and globular vessels that differ mainly in lip shape are also present.

The nature of this pottery assemblage changes in layers 6-10 at Sh7, with the three earlier forms being replaced by an assemblage in which potlids and two classes of carinated pots are the most common items. Both types of pots are frequently decorated with multiple channels filled with white and/or black paint and/or geometric painted designs.

Shoma and Mara: pottery phases recognised in the 1986–1987 excavated assemblages. Top two rows: late; middle three rows: polychrome; lower three rows: early fineware. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

In layers 4 and 5 at Sh7, carinated rims remain common, but paint decoration becomes extremely rare. Instead, a new form of decoration appears, with fingernail impressions on the carination, beaded lips, and comb incised channels. Similar pottery is known from Phase IV at Jenne-jeno, which has been dated to between 900 and 1400 AD. However, in the Jenne-jeno material, braided twine replaces fibre strip as the dominant form of roulette, which never happens at Sh7.

Surprisingly, the rim decoration in the upper layer at D6 on the Mara Mound is quite different from that present in Sh7 on the Shoma Mound. Here plates, potlids and carinated rims, including the form of decoration appears, with fingernail impressions on the carination, beaded lips, and comb incised channels seen at Sh7, but there is also a large number of pieces with everted rims, something not seen at Sh7 and very rare at Jenne-jeno. No polychrome decoration is present on any pottery at D6, while stamping and comb impressions are common. Similar stamp motifs appear at Jenne-jeno, where they show a pattern of development; the impressions are small from 900 to 1400 AD, with larger impressions after 1500 AD. These late, large stamp impressions persist into the historic 'Sahona Tradition' of the southern Inland Niger Delta. The presence of everted rims, large amount of undecorated pottery, and common use of braided twine and large stamp decoration, occasionally with a white fill, strongly suggests that this pottery was made after 1400 AD. Similar pottery is known from the fourteenth to twentieth centuries at Jenne-jeno/Djenné, and from the nineteenth century at Hamdallahi on the eastern Inland Niger Delta. However, the D6 site has not yielded any Tobacco pipes, which are common throughout the Middle Niger from the seventeenth century onwards, suggesting that this assemblage predates the introduction of Tobacco to the region.

McIntosh and McIntosh also obtained a series of new radiocarbon dates for the assemblage, to better date the sequence. The oldest date obtained came from a burned Fish bone from the lowest level of collapsed brick at site SCW, which yielded a date of between 795 and 752 BC (with a 78% probability). This is surprising, as the layers beneath this yielded cultural items which would not be expected before the first millennium AD, which also show considerable patination and erosion, suggesting that they lay on the surface for some time before being buried. This all suggests that the wall was built on top of an accumulation of older material which had been washed downslope over a period of centuries. It is thought that the wall was probably built in the fourteenth century AD, the date obtained for the north wall at the site, although further investigation would be needed to confirm that the two walls are actually part of the same system. Unfortunately, a survey carried out in 1998-2003 did not detect a wall on the western part of the mound, possibly suggesting that it had been destroyed by a catastrophic erosion event since the 1980s.

The pottery fragments recovered from SCW are made from a fine material, and were thought to have been examples of ancient pottery incorporated into the bricks, which had then been eroded out. McIntosh and McIntosh now also note that this assemblage is dominated by pottery with flattened, everted rims, which is also common in the lowest levels at Sh7 and D6, supporting the hypothesis. They note that there appear to be two phases within the fineware assemblage at both sites, with the earlier one showing flattened everted rims. They suggest that this earlier fineware phase with everted, flattened rims, probably dates from 800-400 BC (which would support a common origin for the pottery fragments and Fish bone at SCW), while the later phase is likely to date from about 400 BC to about 200 AD. The material from the second fineware phase is almost identical to the material from the earliest phase at Jenne-jeno. No radiocarbon dates were obtained from the lowest layers at Sh7 and D6. However, excavations carried out by archaeologist Noémie Arazi on Shoma Mound in 1999-2002 produced similar pottery from layers which yielded radiocarbon dates of 2450 years before present and 2220 years before present, strongly supporting the idea that these earliest layers date to the first millennium BC.

Dia fineware from Shoma and Mara shown next to almost identical sherds from Phase I at Jenne-jeno. McIntosh & McIntosh (2023).

The middle levels at Sh7 (6-9) are curious in that they show evidence of settlement in a period otherwise apparently absent on Shoma Mound. A radiocarbon date for Level 9 was obtained in the 1980s, giving a result of between 892 and 1193, to which McIntosh and McIntosh add a new date, of 1040–1165 for Level 7. The only other dates from this period come from Azari's excavations on Shoma Mound, and comprise a date of 940 years before the present from a piece of charcoal found in a sandy layer beneath a level of collapsed brick dated to 460 years before present, and a fragment of Wheat within a pit dated to 1070 years before the present. A layer of sediment dated to between 2070 and 940 years before the present yielded no cultural materials, suggesting the mound was abandoned during this time. Interestingly, the cemetery on Mara yielded several burials dating to the tenth and eleventh centuries AD, although quite where these people lived has remained unclear. Layers 6-9 at Sh7 have yielded a distinctive polychrome pottery, not seen elsewhere in the Dia Mound Complex, apparently indicating a distinctive cultural presence, not detected elsewhere. The higher layers at Sh7 produced Phase IV at Jenne-jeno, which has been dated to between 900 and 1400 AD, as mentioned previously.

At the D6 site, a new date of between 466 and 386 BC was obtained from a piece of burned bone at the top of Layer 10 or bottom of Layer 9, lending further support to the idea that the material in these layers dates to the first millennium BC. Dates from higher in the sequence lead to the conclusion that there were two later phases of occupation, one in the eleventh century AD, and one n the fourteenth to eighteenth centuries AD. This sequence appears to have been slightly disturbed by pit digging around the site, something not detected during the 1980s excavations, but consistent with the use of bud-brick architecture.

Based upon comparison of the sequence of pottery to other sites on the Inland Niger Delta and the new radiocarbon dates, as well as data from the 1998-2002 excavations on Shoma and Mara mounds, McIntosh and McIntosh propose a chronology for the Dia Mound Complex.

Occupation began in the first millennium BC, by agropastoral and fishing groups using distinctive, thin-walled pottery. These are represented by layers 11-14 at Sh7 and 10-13 at D6, as well as in the lowest layers excavated in 1998-2002. The earliest evidence of occupation in Sh7 and D6 is on loamy clay levee deposits, while the earliest remains uncovered in 1998-2002 are on floodplain clays. The data from the 1986-87 excavations suggests that these peoples preferentially settled on the top of levees on the Diaka floodplain. In October 2013, flooding on this plain reached between the 270.5 and 271 m contours. Accurate surveying equipment was not available to the 1986-87 expedition, but it is thought this would have been above the lowest excavated layers in Sh7.

The lower layers at Sh7 and D6 contain alternating layers of light loams and light clays containing iron oxide inclusions that precipitate in standing water, suggesting that the area was prone to periodic flooding. The density of pottery in the lowest layers at Sh7 was 3-8 times as much pottery as at D6, suggesting D6 was only the occupied on a sporadic, short term basis. The level of water flowing through the Diaka and its associated floodplain appears to have varied over time. At D6 the pottery from Layer 12 has a thick surface deposits of dark iron or manganese oxide precipitate, suggesting a prolonged or repeated immersion in water. This suggests a variable environment with periodic flooding. The 1998-2002 excavations recovered several grains of African Rice, Oryza glaberrima, dated to this early period.

Fragments of the fineware from this early period continue, at a low level, at many sites on the Dia Mound Complex deposits. The evidence from SCW, of pieces of this earlier material being incorporated into bricks made almost 2000 years later, gives an explanation for this stratigraphic mixing.

The style of this early pottery has been linked to the earlier proto-Mande Tichitt Culture of eastern Mauritania, suggesting that these earliest settlers in the region migrated southward from the Tichitt region in the early first millennium BC.

This earlier occupation was followed by a hiatus, with little sign of Human activity until the first millennium AD. A distinctive layer of aeolian sand, lacking any artefacts, is present at four of the six sites excavated in 1998-2002, but absent from the other two of these sites, as well as Sh7 and D6. Rice grains derived from these sands have yielded dates of 1996 and 1878 years before the present. There are no signs of any occupation during this period, although it is possible that people were present at least seasonally, using the floodplain to grow Rice. The uppermost layers of the early occupation at D6 yield pottery fragments covered by a thick carbonate deposit, suggesting that they were exposed on the surface for a long period of time, with periods of immersion. 

At Sh7 a metre-deep layer producing evidence of occupation has been dated to between 900 and 1165 AD, while a similar deposit at D6 has yielded dates of between 1025 and 1150 AD. These deposits are particularly interesting for two reasons; firstly, no evidence of occupation during this period was found during other excavations at the Dia Mound Complex, and secondly, the material at the two sites is quite different. The Sh7 material is dominated by potlids and carinated pots, similar in style to material from Jenne-jeno which has been dated to between 800 and 1000 AD. At D6 a different style of pottery is present, dominated by pots with everted and thickened rims, and with different forms of decoration to that seen at Sh7.

The reason for this difference is unclear. It may simply be the result of pottery being used for different purposes at the two sites, or represent some difference in social standing between the peoples of the two sites. The Dia Mound Complex is close to a river system which formed an important transport corridor, and it is not unreasonable to expect pottery found in such an environment to reflect wider regional interactions. The polychrome pottery of Sh7 shows strong similarity to pottery from the same period at Jenne-Jeno, which in turn is part of a sequence of pottery found over the wider eastern upper Inland Niger Delta over the period 400-1400 AD. The pottery of D6, however, is quite different, showing cultural affinity with the Méma region to the north.

The presence of pottery at Sh7 with affinities for that of Jenne-jeno and the eastern Inland Niger Delta is interesting, and such pottery has not come from any other excavation site on Shoma. McIntosh and McIntosh speculate that this may represent a small group of people with ties to the eastern Inland Niger Delta. During the 1998-2002 excavations, it was noted that several sites had erosional surfaces which would coincide with this period, possibly suggesting that more material has been lost.

Carinated polychrome pottery resembling that from Phases II and III at Jenne-jeno (which have been dated to between 200 and 900 AD) was excavated from the Diohoun site at the confluence of the Diaka and Niger in the 1990s. The uppermost layers at Diohoun yielded material similar to the material from Sh7 and Phase IV at Jenne-jeno, and Arazi reported layers dating to the second half of the first millennium AD, which yielded significant quantities of carinated pottery and some black- and white painted ware on the Mara Mound, making this absence of pottery from other sites on Shoma more mysterious.

This phase appears to have been followed by another hiatus, then the appearance of a new inhabited phase on both Shoma and Mara, distinguished by extensive mud brick architecture. A number of radiocarbon dates have been recovered from these layers at sites on both mounds, ranging from 1275 to 1500 AD, which would coincide with the height of the Mali Empire. 

No radiocarbon data were recovered for this upper layer at Sh7, although the nature of the pottery found strongly suggests a thirteenth or fourteenth century date for these layers. At D6 a wall was constructed in the fifteenth century, and a number of pits contain pottery with decorative elements which suggest having been made post-1500, based upon comparison to material from elsewhere in the Niger Delta. This pottery was found alongside remains indicating a mixed economy based on fishing, domestic stock and the exploitation of wild resources, especially Birds. Similar faunal remains were recovered from later, post 1500, layers excavated in 1998-2002. These later excavations also recovered a small amount of material considered to be trade goods, including  four cowries, one copper pendant and four other fragments of copper and 18 glass beads. This is a surprisingly small amount of such material, given the extent of the excavations, suggesting that Dia was not an important trade hub during this period. This is consistent with the known history of the city, as a religious centre rather than a commercial site, although it is likely that agricultural goods, such as Rice and Cotton, as well as smoked or dried Fish, were also being produced and exported. 

Most of what is currently known about the Dia Mound Complex derives from the extensive excavations in 1998-2002. However, re-examination of the much smaller 1986-87 excavations does add somewhat to this knowledge. These digs were located on the edge of the Shoma and Mara mounds, while the later digs were concentrated on the central part, and uncovered evidence of sporadic occupation far earlier than the later sites uncovered, as well as evidence for a climate with a more active hydrological system, when the levee deposits were still being built up and the area was periodically covered by floodwaters. 

The Sh7 and D6 trenches from 1986-87 yielded distinct sequences of pottery, from which a distinct progression of styles can be seen, and compared to other sites on the Inland Niger Delta. This was not possible during the 1998-2002 excavations, probably because the stratigraphic sequence had been extensively turned over by pit-digging. Re-use of material for brick-making, as seen at SCW, is also likely to have added to this confusion. Nevertheless, McIntosh and McIntosh recommend that the pottery from the 1999-2002 excavations be re-examined for evidence of progression.

The material from the lowest layers, supports the hypothesis that two distinct phases can be observed in the first millennium BC, one associated with the earliest arrivals at Dia and a second, later one associated with the expansion of colonisation deeper into the eastern Inland Niger Delta, including Jenne-jeno.

The middle layer at Sh7 shows a distinct affinity to pottery from Jenne-jeno, something which was not recognised in any of the 1998-2002 material, and places the Dia Mound Complex within a wider cultural context that includes sites such as Tiébala and Diohoun. Surprisingly, pottery from the nearby D6 site shows closer affinities to the Méma region to the northeast of the Inland Niger Delta.

The absence of pottery from this period at any of the sites excavated in 1998-2002 is surprising. McIntosh and McIntosh suggest that this might be due to greater erosion at these sites on the mound summits, although it is possible that the settlements uncovered at Sh7 and D6 were very local in nature, and that the choice of these sites for excavation was extremely fortuitous. 

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Saturday, 8 January 2022

Preserving the earthen architecture of Djenné, Mali.

The city of Djenné lies in the Niger Inland Delta of central Mali, and is thought to have been inhabited since about 250 BC, forming a part of the trans-Saharan trade network connecting West Africa to the Mediterranean. It is a UNESCO World Herritage Site, one of four in Mali, along with Timbuktu, the Tomb of Askia, and the Dogon communities living on the Cliff of Bandiagara. From the thirteenth century onwards Djenné became a major trading centre for commodities such as rice and corn, and a centre for arts, learning and religion. The city's most famous feature is the Great Mosque, which was built in 1220 AD, and substantially rebuilt in 1907. 

Declared in 1988, the Old Towns of Djenné World Herritage Site includes the city of Djenné, the Great Mosque, the archaeology of Djenné-Jeno and the surrounding old towns of Hambarketolo, Tonomba, and Kaniana. This has prompted a series of restoration projects in the city, funded by cultural agencies, non-profit organisations and foreign government aid organisations, and starting with the restoration of the Great Mosque in 2008. These projects have provoked debate about the role of conservation in Mali, and to what extent is serves the needs of local people or imposes external ideas on what aspects of the country's heritage should be preserved and how. 

In a paper published in the journal Built Heritage on 30 December 2021, Oussouby Sacko of the Graduate School of Architecture at Kyoto Seika University, discusses the relationship between cultural conservation and cultural heritage preservation, based upon observation of restoration projects in Djenné, made during field surveys carried out between 2010 and 2017. 

 
Map of the Republic of Mali. Sacko (2021).

The city of Djenné currently has a population of about 20 000 people, up from about 12 000 in1987, The majority of these speak Djenné Chiini, a local dialect of Songhay, but several other languages are spoken, including Bozo, Fulani, and Bambara. The city is arranged into several different quarters, each occupied by a different ethnic/professional group (people's professions tend to be closely linked to their ethnic background), with the Great Mosque and market square at the centre. Each of the ethnic groups living in the city tends to follow its own trade or trades, with the Bozo being  fishermen and builders, the Fulani cattle raisers, the Bambara specialising in farming, the Sarakolé being merchants, and the Songhai being Quran teachers, religious and traditional leaders. 

 
An areal view of the ciry if Djenné. Sacko (2021).

There are three dominant building styles found in Djenné, Moroccan, Tukulor and Plain, which differ principally in the arrangement of their fasçades. The three styles of building tend to reflect the both the history and socioeconomic standing of the house and its residents. Houses are typically two story, with a flat roof terrace, and allow for a separation of the sexes. Houses have a vestibule which connects the inner courtyard to the street, and which is typically used as both an entrance and a place of business. Thus, it can be used as a Qur’anic school space if the occupant is a marabout (religious teacher), a workshop for a craftsman, etc..

 
House Plan of Djenné. Sacko (2021).

The basic material used for construction in Djenné is banco, a mixture of mud and other ingredients, used both to make bricks and as a mortar and plaster covering. Bricks come in two forms, the traditional Djenné ferey, which are roughly cylindrical, and toubabou ferey (roughly 'foreign bricks'), which are rectangular bricks introduced in the 1930s, shaped like a traditional European brick. Banco is prepared in pits by the river during the dry season. This begins as a mixture of earth and rice husks, then has other ingredients added, such as Baobab fruit powder, shea butter, and gum arabic. This mixture is then allowed to ferment for 2-3 weeks before use.

 
(Top left) Old style mud bricks in Djenné (Djenné ferey),  and (top right) new type of bricks (toubabou ferey). August 2009. (Bottom left and right) Mortar preparation in for house and buildings covering, March 2009. Sacko (2021).

Becoming a house-builder in Djenné is not a simple process. All builders (called Barey in the local tongue) belong to a professional body, the barey-ton. In order to become a Barey a boy must be born into a family where this is a trade, and choose to take up the craft very young (this is not automatic). He will then begin an apprenticeship with a relative, usually his father, at the age of about seven, learning a series of skills before qualifying as a Barey in his own right sometime in his mid-twenties; despite this apprenticeship beginning under his father, an apprentice will often serve several different masters before graduating, although these will generally come from his extended family. Relationships between the Bareys and their clients is usually a very long-term affair, with the care of a home and the family who live in it generally being passed down from father to son. If a client wishes to change Barey for some reason, then he will need the permission of the Barey-ton to do so.

 
Different types of House Façade in Djenné, February 2010. Sacko (2021).

Since Djenné gained World Heritage status in 1988, a number of conservation and restoration projects have been launched in the city, although few of these have involved consultation with local communities, or the Barey-ton. This has created a situation in which local people sometimes feel excluded from the management of their own heritage. Even where projects are deemed necessary and useful by the local population, they have often been carried out in ways that are sound from a scientific and theoretical point of view, but which do not take into account the views and cultural knowledge of the people of Djenné.

 
Djenné’s Townscape, August 2011. Sacko (2021).

In 1995/6 a short-term project with financial backing from the Netherlands began carrying out rehabilitation of 168 monumental houses thought to represent the cultural identity well, carying out activities from minor repairs to total reconstruction, based upon either documentation of the prior state of the houses or people's memories. 

From 2004, a major project funded by the Aga Khan Trust for Culture began restoration work on the Great Mosques of Djenné and Mopti and the Djingereyber Mosque in Timbuktu as well as public spaces around them, which also included installation of new water and sanitation systems, street paving, early childhood education, training, health care and economic development. This has become the most high-profile restoration project in Djenné, and has relied heavily on the knowledge of traditional builders and craftsmen.

 
Mosque restoration site by Djenné’s inhabitants, May 2001.Sacko (2021).

In 2010 a report by the government of Mali noted that many houses in the area had been modified or repaired in ways inappropriate to their cultural heritage, often using modern building materials to make modifications that accommodate larger families or modern life-style choices. This report noted that one of the drivers of this was the high cost of traditional building materials. Following this the Mali Ministry of Culture, along with the Cultural Mission of Djenné and the World Heritage Earthen Architecture Programme, have begun looking into ways to develop town planning and construction regulations adapted to earthen architecture. The World Heritage Centre has noted that the absence of such regulations has led to a rise in new, inappropriate construction projects and poor property rehabilitation, and that, regardless of the good intentions of local players, these are likely to lead to a loss of the coherence of the urban fabric of Djenné without the implementation of regulations.

 
Traditional architecture in Djenné, August 2011. Sacko (2021).

In 2008 the Mali Ministry of Culture drew up an action plan for Djenné, with the objectives of improving sanitation management in the city, redefining the boundaries of registered sites within the communities, strengthening legal protections of sites within the new limits, improving the state of conservation of the city of Djenné and the archaeological sites, ensuring better promotion of the sites for visiting audiences, and promoting the intangible cultural heritage of the city.

Since this time the city has undergone a population boom and subsequent exponential urbanisation, creating a demand for territorial spaces for housing and other urban living amenities. This led to the creation of a new, reformed conservation plan in 2018, which aimed to review and update the urban planning diagram and establish sectoral urban planning for the city, strengthen the legal protection of the site in the context of decentralisation and regionalisation, undertake an emergency rescue programme for monumental architecture on threatened earth within the ancient fabric, and preserve and promote earthen architecture, strengthen the protection of archaeological sites, improve their state of conservation and fight against loss and illicit trafficking, carry out a wide-ranging awareness and information campaign in local communities on current cultural heritage and urban development issues, safeguard elements of intangible cultural heritage.

 
The Great Mosque and market of Djenné, March 2004. Sacko (2021).

The World Heritage Centre has recognised that the earthen architecture of Djenné and its neighbouring towns and cities is one of the most powerful expressions of the human ability to create built environments from local resources. However, this unique urban environment has been threatened by natural disasters, social conflicts, industrialisation, the urban explosion and the globalisation of models and standards for the design and construction of housing are factors contributing to the disappearance of traditional knowledge and sociocultural practices linked to the construction and maintenance of earthen architecture, leading to the placement of the city on the List of World Heritage in Danger. As a consequence of this, a number of preservation projects have been initiated, but most of these are led by foreign agencies and experts, with local people largely becoming spectators rather than participants. 

The restoration of the Great Mosque of Djenné was widely hailed as a successful project which had saved both Djenné’s architecture and the national identity, as well as promoting the area's tourism industry. However, for local people the project often highlighted the gap between traditional and modern techniques or approaches to construction. This appears to have raised the awareness of the local population's responsibility for their own cultural heritage conservation, and led to a much more unified approach to these issues.

 
Mosque conservation by Aga Khan Trust, before and after images, March 2011. Sacko (2021).

The area at the entrance to the city is outside of the conservation area, and has recently seen the construction of many new buildings using concrete, cement blocks, and fired clay as building materials, largely by successful emigrees from the city to Bamako, building second homes in Djenné. This area includes about 700 houses and four municipal buildings. Concerns about this have been raised by Djenné Patrimoine, a local conservation group, who feel that more culturally appropriate construction styles should be encouraged.

 
New construction in Djenné, March 2015. Sacko (2021).

Modern Djenné derives its income from rice farming, fishing, and livestock farming on the surrounding floodplains, though all of these have been impacted adversely by a series of severe droughts. When many of the conservation projects in Djenné were conceived, the city was beginning to develop a tourism industry around its cultural heritage. However, since 2012 a rebellion has broken out in the northern part of Mali (one of a series of conflicts which has bedevilled the Sahel region since the collapse of the Gadaffi regime in Libya in 2011), with several different groups fighting against one-another and the central government. During this conflict a number of foreign tourists have been taken hostage and either held for ransom or killed, effectively ending any hopes of developing a viable tourist industry in the country. This has resulted in the closure of many businesses that formerly relied on tourists for their income, as well as a very high rate of unemployment among (mostly young) former workers in the sector, many of whom have left to find work, either in Bamako or in other countries. This presents new challenges for the conservation of Djenné's traditional architecture, with preserving these buildings providing extra costs for their residents, while at the same time there has been a loss of the tangible benefits (in the form of extra income derived from tourism) associated with them. The preservation of Djenné's cultural herritage is now apparently being done solely for the people of the city, but often according to the designs of outside agencies.

 
Tourist Facilities in ruins, March 2015. Sacko (2021).

The traditional architecture of Djenné requires regular maintenance and restoration work to prevent it from slowly collapsing. This is an expensive process, and the typical residents of the city are far from wealthy. A flourishing tourist industry would increase both the willingness of the people of Djenné to finance this work and their motivation for doing so. This raises the question of exactly whom Djenné is being preserved for, the international community, or the people of the city itself.

The architecture of Djenné and its neighbouring cities is made and maintained by a unique group of traditional craftsmen, the Barey, who undergo a strict apprenticeship process, forming a closed artisan union and community, and the Barey of Djenné are particularly renowned for their skills within the region. As well as their construction and craft skills, the Barey also use complex magical rituals in the building process, which secrets passed on by a master only to his most trusted apprentice(s), and which may be taken to the grave if no suitable candidate is available.

 
The Chief Barey of Djenné, May 2004. Sacko (2021).

The conservation of Djenné's architecture in any meaningful sense must inevitably involve the Barey, a group whom Oussouby Sacko has been studying for over 25 years, and about whom he has published numerous studies, covering the structure and uses of the houses they build, the origins of the group and the Barey-tom (their professional association), their place in the city's social structure, and their spiritual role, which mixes elements of Islam with elements of older local beliefs. During the time that Sacko has studies the Barey have undergone somewhat of a crisis, with their skills being under used for a time, due to both economic pressures and a changing culture that placed more emphasis on modernity, which resulted in fewer young people looking to join the trade. Following the Mosque restoration project, a greater sense of cultural identity has emerged in the city, making a career as a Barey more desirable, but this left a severe age gap within the Barey-ton, with master builders often much older than their apprentices. This has potentially significant consequences, due to the strict way in which information is passed on, with skills and secrets only passes to apprentices (never sideways to other Barey-masters), and only when the apprentices are deemed ready to be taught.

As part of this study Sacko carried out structured interviews with three of Djenné's most senior Barey, Béré Yonou, who is currently the oldest Barey in Djenné at 84, Nouhoum Toure, an educated Songhai Barey (most Barey, including the other two interviewees, come from the Bozo ethnic group), and Mafoune (Sésé) Dienepo, who has been an active participant in recent conservation projects, and is the lead Barey of the Maison de Djenné Patrimoine.

 
Béré Yonou, March 2017. Sacko (2021).

Béré Yonou is a descendant of Ousmane Yonou and Soumaila Yonou, two famous historical Barey from Djenné, and is currently the last master Barey of the family. He studied under his father from the age of six, then, after his father died when he was fifteen became a disciple (senior apprentice) to his father's younger brother. He has been an independent Barey since 1979, and has been responsible for the building of numerous properties using the traditional Djenné ferey. Yonou reports that before beginning a building project, it is necessary to measure out the site by foot, then listen to the sound the ground makes when tapped, and performing any ceremonies deemed necessary before construction can be started. The first bricks are then placed at the corners of the property, and further rituals performed, before building commences, working from the corners towards the centre. When learning the trade an apprentice must learn a number of skills in order: how to carry earthen mortar, how to pass bricks, how to make foundations, how to stack bricks, how to assemble roofs, and how to paint walls. The trade also has a number of secrets, which can only be taught to the most trusted disciples, and which it is forbidden to disclose to others, including other master Barey. If no suitable disciple can be found, then these secrets die with the master.

 
Nouhoum Toure, March 2017. Sacko (2021).

Nouhoum Toure was born at Douanza, in the Dogon Mountains to the northeast of Mopti. His father came from Djenné, and was one of the master Barey involved in the early twentieth century restoration of the Great Mosque, but following a dispute, was forced to leave Djenné, along with the six other master Barey who worked on the project. His father was the only one of these Barey to return to Djenné, dying their in 1961. Unlike most Barey, his father kept a Tariq (written record) of his trade, including the Mosque restoration project) from which Nouhoum Toure has learned many skills and secrets. Nouhoum Toure is a descendent of Moussa Toure, an important figure in the history of Djenné, but his family have left and returned to the area several times. His great-grandfather, Ibrahima Toure, was a noted scholar who migrated to Djenné from Goundam, in the north to the west of Timbuktu, and his grandfather, Issa Toure, was a slave merchant as well as a Barey. Nouhoum Toure learned his skills principally from his father, but when he was an apprentice, also studied under his father's brothers and cousins. He became an independent Barey in 1972. He notes that there are rivalries among the Barey, which outsiders do not often percieve, and that thse can seriously hamper or undermine building projects. He believes the most important aspect of the Barey's trade is the correct preparation of the Banco (clay mixture) used in construction, of which there are seven types (confusingly known as Labou: Labou bibi (black), Labou chiri (red), Labou Korendi, Labou couscous, Djamaye Labou (banco for pottery), Labou Kora (yellow), and Labou do (banco which contains sand). A number of other materials are also used in the laying of foundations, including rice, two types of grain, charcoal, cotton seeds, and treasure shells. He further states that to become a master Barey, an apprentice must learn a number of rituals, including Tinyeda (soil fortune-telling), learning how to determine the start date for any project, and the correct rituals to be performed on the 2nd, 12th, 17th, 22nd and 27th of every lunar month. Ideally a Barey should not work on the 27th and the last Wednesday of each lunar month. These secrets can only be passed on the most trusted apprentices, chosen by careful observation of their skills and character.

 
Mafoune (Sésé) Dienepo, March 2017. Sacko (2021).

Mafoune (Sésé) Dienepo is a descendent of Tassey Nassire, a Barey who moved to Djenné from Dandy in northern Mali, with a Maiga family (a religious Songhai clan) that came to Djenné to open a religious school. Tassey Nassire had twin sons, who became the most renowned Djenné Barey of their generation, one of whom, Saoudatou Nassire, was Mafoune (Sésé) Dienepo's maternal grandfather. Tassey Nassire's wife (and Saoudatou Nassire's mother), was also a Barey, called Saby Dienepo. Her brother was another Barey, and Mafoune (Sésé) Dienepo's paternal grandfather. His father Mahamane Dienepo was also a Barey, although Mafoune (Sésé) Dienepo, one of 13 children, was originally apprenticed to a distant cousin, before becoming his father's disciple. After becoming an independent Barey he moved to Mopti for a while, to broaden his skill base, before returning to Djenné. He believes that rituals are an important part of the construction process; a Sheep should be sacrificed before construction begins, and its blood sprinkled on the site, and a number of materials, including grain, cotton and kola nuts, placed within the foundations. If a Djinn is present at the site, it can be removed in a special earthenware pot called a Dagua. Other rituals must be performed if anyone falls sick during the construction process. Construction should always start with the laying of three bricks at each of the corners of the property, and, if the site has been used before, then permission to build there must be obtained from the Barey who previously built there. The secrets of the trade can generally only be passed on to an disciple whom the master has carefully observed for some time, although sometimes a dream will tell a master to pass on certain secrets to certain apprentices.

 
Ingredients used for mortar and offerings for site preparation, March 2011, Mopti, Djenné. Sacko (2021).

All three of the Barey interviewed reiterated that rituals are an important part of the construction process in Djenné, and the process of becoming a Barey is a complex one, and not simply dependent on hereditary. A master Barey must be a skilled in construction and ritual magic, as well as in good religious standing. This creates problems for the recruitment and training of new Barey, as apprenticeships who master the construction skills may not master the magical skills. In recent years a division has developed between older, classically trained Barey, and younger Barey who often combine the traditional skills with skills learned at school or college.

 
Maison du Patrimoine de Djenné, September 2015. Sacko (2021).

If the architecture of Djenné is being preserved purely for the benefits of its people, to protect their cultural identity and heritage, then the potential exists to adapt this work to better match the desired of those people, and to have homes better suited to modern living. Those people who have had their homes restored by the conservation projects have clearly benefitted from this process, although there has been some friction, as residents have typically seen the projects as an opportunity to improve and modernise their homes, rather than restore them to some historic ideal which is often seen as cramped and impractical. Many local residents have also come to see the adoption of clay roofing tiles as being a practical way to protect their homes against seasonal rains, something which UNESCO does not support, on aesthetic grounds. This has created a dichotomy between UNESCO's vision of the city as a place of important historical significance which should be preserved for all mankind, and the local population's desire to have a modern living space.

Sacko notes that the imposition of rules on the maintrnance of buildings in Djenné by UNESCO can potentially interfere with the United Nations' stated goals of enabling all people to have shelter and freedom from constant anxiety about it. Over a hundred of Djenné's traditional houses have now been restored, and, on the whole, their residents have stated that they are happy with the process, and have developed a better understanding of the importance of the architecture as a result. When the city had a growing tourism industry, historical accuracy in the preservation of buildings seemed to be an important goal, but now that that has evaporated, it is not unreasonable that more account of the material needs of the people of Djenné should be taken into account during future projects. To this end Sacko recommends that the local community is more heavily involved in setting out goals for future preservation work, as they are the best placed people to determine the ballance between the need to preserve the city's architecture, and the need to accommodate the needs of those living in the city. 

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