Showing posts with label Jewellery. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jewellery. Show all posts

Sunday, 7 April 2024

Looking for the origins of garnets from Lower Nubia.

From about the third century BC, garnets became highly valued gemstones to the peoples of the Mediterranean Basin, the Middle East, India, Sri Lanka, Southeast Asia, and China, along with other hard gemstones, such as emerald, aquamarine, and sapphire. Transparent red garnet was used to make engraved rings or seal stones; inlays in diadems; earrings or necklaces or even small sculptures; thin, doubly polished plates in cloisonné jewellery, as well as simple beads, merely drilled to be assembled into necklaces, bracelets, or applied to garments. Studies of garnets dating from the Hellenistic Period to Early Medieval times have identified seven distinctive garnet types (A-G), with unique compositions, some of which have been linked to sources in Europe, India, or Sri Lanka, while the source of others remains unknown.

Garnets were also used as gemstones prior to the Hellenistic Period in several places, although the origin and typology of these is less well understood. Green grossular, a calcic garnet, often intergrown with green vesuvianite was used to make seals, beads, and amulets by the Indus Valley Civilization, and to much lesser extent in ancient Mesopotamia. This material was worked in Harappa, Mohenjo-Daro, and Loal-Mari on the Indus River, and was probably sourced in Balochistan and northern Pakistan. Both grossular and vesuvanite have hardnesses of between 6.5 and 7.0 on the Moh scale (i.e. are slightly softer than quartz) making it possible to work these materials with the tools available to the Indus Valley Civilization.

Red aluminous garnet, however, is harder than quartz, making it much more difficult to work without specialist tools, and is rare in Asia before the advent of the Iron Age. Surprisingly, this material was worked early in Northeast Africa, with red garnet beads known from Predynastic Egypt and the contemporaneous A-group Cultures of Lower Nubia. The use of red garnet continued in Egypt till around the end of the New Kingdom, after which the mineral is seldom found. Thus, the red garnets of Egypt and Nubia are the oldest known examples of the working of this mineral.

In a paper published in the journal Archaeometry on 7 March 2024, Albert Gilg of Engineering Geology at the Technical University of Munich, Joanna Then-Obłuska of the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe Research Centre at the University of Warsaw, and Laure Dussubieux of the Elemental Analysis Facility at the Field Museum, present the results of an analysis of 34 garnet beads from burials in Lower Nubia, dated from the late A-Group to the Post-Meroitic, an age range of about 3200 BC to about 600 AD, as well as two garnets from separate alluvial deposits near the Fourth Cataract of the Nile in the Bayuda Desert of Upper Nubia.

Ancient Nubia is divided into Lower Nubia, which lay between the First and the Second Cataracts of the Nile, and Upper Nubia, to the south of the Second Cataract. Gilg et al. selected beads excavated  from graves in Qustul, Adindan, and Serra East, in the collection of the Museum of the Institute for the Study of Ancient Cultures at the University of Chicago, associated with the Early Nubian A-group Culture, the Middle Nubian C-group and Pan Grave cultures, and the New Kingdom, Napatan, Meroitic, and Post-Meroitic/Nobadian periods.

The A-group Culture (roughly 3700 to 2800 BC) and C-group Culture (roughly 2300 to 1550 BC) are known to have been wealthy societies, due to their location at a junction of trade routes between Egypt and the Mediterranean to the north and the African interior to the south. The Pan Grave people (2200 to1550 BC) lived in small, dispersed groups in the Eastern Desert. All of these peoples traded to differing extents with the Pre-Kerma and Kerma cultures of Upper Nubia. Between about 1570 and about 1069 BC Nubia was controlled by the Egyptian New Kingdon, then between 747 and 656 BC, Egypt was ruled by the Kushite 25th Dynasty, which ruled an area from the confluence of the Blue and White Niles to the Mediterranean. This interval forms part of the Napatan Period in Nubia, which lasted from about 750 BC to about 350 BC, and was another period of wealth in Lower Nubia. This was followed by the Meroitic Period, from about 350 BC to about 350 AD, when Lower Nubia became an intermediary in trade between the Kingdom of Meroë in Upper Nubia and the Hellenic and Roman rulers of Egypt. Between about 350 and 600 AD Lower Nubia was Kingdom of Nobadia, which often had less peaceful relations with both Egypt and the Blemmye peoples who controlled the Eastern Desert and the Red Sea Coast.

Map of Nubia. Gilg et al. (2024).

Gilg et al. analysed garnet beads from tombs 11, 17, 22, 24 of Royal Cemetery L at Qustul, which have been dated to Late A-Group/Naqada III (Naqada III is the final phase of Predynastic Egypt), as well as the late A-Group tombs W19 and V59; garnets from these tombs were commonly accompanied by similarly shaped carnelian beads. Another bead was from the  C-Group Phase III tomb T12B at Adindan, which is of equivalent age to the Egyptian 18th Dynasty (the first dynasty of the New Kingdom). Five more beads come from tombs K74 and K93 at Adindan, which were associated with the Pan Grave Culture; notably, garnet beads are more common in Pan Grave Culture burials than C-Group Culture burials, despite the two being roughly contemporary. Six more beads came from New Kingdom tombs VC45 and R19 at Qustul, three from the Amenhotep III to Amarna Period and three from the post-Amarna Period. A single short barrel bead came from the 25th Dynasty/Napatan tomb W43 at  Qustul. Also from Qustul came an oblate bead from the Meroitic tomb Q465, and a truncated hexagonal bicone bead from the Post-Meroitic tomb Q143.

Beads associated with the A-Group culture are all less than 5 mm in diameter and 2.5 mm wide. They were shaped into short cylinders, barrels, or oblates with a relatively poor polish, and perforated from each end by irregular pecking. Similar beads are known from Predynastic Upper Egypt, which were presumably made in the same way, possibly from the same people. A single bead of similar appearance has also been found at Mehrgarh in Pakistan, which is exotic to that site, but of unknown origin. C-Group and Pan Grave Culture beads are also typically poorly polished and of imperfect shape, though the shape varied slightly, with both rounded and short-barrel beads found. These beads were perforated from each end by drilling, forming either cylindrical or conical holes; the smooth nature of the hole suggests the drill made from a hard stone, such as flint, or possibly copper. Similar perforations have been observed in Middle Kingdom garnet beads from Egypt. Workshops producing carnelian beads are known from A-Group and C-Group sites in Lower Nubia, and while no trace of garnet-working has been found at these sites, the similarity between the carnelian and garnet beads suggests that the garnet beads are also likely to have been manufactured locally.

Microphotographs of garnet beads from lower Nubia. (a) A-group bead with irregular pecked hole (ISAC 13); (b) Pan Grave bead with a smooth drilled hole (ISAC 21); (c) C-group bead with silver beads (ISAC 20);  (d) New Kingdom long barrel-shaped beads with poor polish (ISAC 29-31); (e) Meroitic irregular oblate bead (ISAC33); (f) Post-Meroitic facetted bead (ISAC 34); (g) drill hole (about 1 mm in diameter) with concentric deep grooves from a diamond tipped drill (ISAC 34); (h) tiny short- and long-prismatic colourless inclusions (ISAC 34). Scale bar is 500μm. Gilg et al. (2024). 

The New Kingdom beads showed much improved shaping. The majority of these beads were globular in shape, but also present were unusually long barrel to tubular shapes with a length of up to 7.9 mm and a diameter of 4 mm. These beads all have a low polish, and again are drilled from both ends. The Napatan and Meroitic beads were similar in form to the Pan Grave and C-Group beads.

None of these beads had a high polish, something seen in Egyptian beads from the Great Aten temple at Amarna (18th Dynasty), which were made by polishing with corundum powder as an abrasive, a technique apparently unknown in Upper Nubia. How the Upper Nubian beads were polished is unclear at this time.

The youngest, Post-Merotic bead differs from all others in the study, having a faceted shape (a hexagonal truncated bicone), a well-polished surface, and deep, regularly spaced, concentric grooves in the drill hole, probably indicative of the use of a diamond drill bit. Similar garnet beads are known from Arikamedu in southern India, and sites in southern Sri Lanka. Microscopic examination of this bead revealed the presence of many tiny, short- and long-prismatic, colourless inclusions, something seen in Sri Lankan garnets but not garnets from southern India. Though this is not sufficient evidence to confirm the origin of this bead, Gilg et al. consider it highly likely that this bead comes from South Asia, and probably Sri Lanka.

Chemically, all of the garnets, including the alluvial samples from Upper Nubia were found to be of similar composition, with the exception of the single Post-Merotic bead. These beads have an almandine-rich composition, with a low calcium content (the Post-Merotic bead has a pyrope-rich composition with a low calcium content). Compositionally, these beads do not fit into any of the types used to classify Hellenistic to Early Medieval garnets, with magnesium oxide-calcium oxide ratios intermediate between type A and type B contents, combined with a high manganese and yttrium, low chromium composition not seen in either of these types. This suggests that the beads were made from alluvial garnets sourced from deposits in Upper Nubia, and that garnets from this source were not used in the Hellenistic to Early Medieval periods.

Almandine-rich garnet was the first mineral harder than quartz to be worked in northeast Africa, apparently being sourced at a site in the Bayunda Desert of Upper Nubia at least 670 km south of the most southerly known occurrence of worked garnet beads in Lower Nubia. These Upper Nubian deposits appear to have been the only source of garnets used in manufacturing for at least 3500 years. 

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Sunday, 10 December 2023

Fragment of Bronze Age gold torc found in Norfolk, England.

A metal detectorist has uncovered a small piece of a Bronze Age torc in a field near the village of Erpingham in Norfolk, England. The piece, which is made of gold and 2.4 mm thick, was uncovered in September 2023. It is unusual in that it was made from a three-sided gold bar, twisted to form the distinctive form of the torc, rather than a four flanged piece, which is the typical form. The section of torc has then been twisted into a small spiral with two full turns, 11 mm in diameter.

A fragment of a Bronze Age gold torc uncovered by a metal detectorist in Norfolk in September 2023. Andrew Williams/Norfolk County Council.

The item is thought to date the Middle Bronze Age from between about 1400 BC and about 1100 BC, although torcs were a fairly ubiquitous piece of Bronze Age jewellery, and it could date from somewhat later. It is thought likely that the fragment was buried as an offering to the gods, (small individually buried items of jewellery and other valuable items are common from Bronze Age Europe) but it may simply have been hidden for safe--keeping by an owner who never returned.

 The item has been declared Treasure Trove by Norfolk Coroner's Court, which in the UK means that the finder is entitled to a reward for finding a culturally significant item, but does not get to keep it. Norwich Castle Museum is hoping to acquire the item for its collection.

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Thursday, 30 November 2023

Đầu Rằm: A Neolithic jewellery-making workshop in northern Vietnam.

The Neolithic culture of the Red River Delta has been studied since the 1960s, when a series of excavations at Tràng Kênh in n Haiphong Province on the northern edge of the delta uncovered a large amount of distinctive pottery, stone tools, and animal bones, as well as many nephrite body ornaments that include bangles with various cross-sections (including T-shaped sections), small rings, penannular earrings with four circumferential protuberances, and tubular beads, and evidence of the industry responsible for these items. The nephrite was apparently shaped, worked and polished using stone knives, stone drill points, grinders, and polishers, to form a range of jewellery which was traded from the Chinese border to central Vietnam. 

In the 1970s a cluster of archaeological sites was discovered at Đầu Rằm on Tân Island in Quảng Ninh Province, about 16 km to the southeast of Tràng Kênh. Subsequent excavations at these sites revealed two periods of occupation, one by the Bronze Age Đông Sơn people, between about 300 BC and 100 AD, and one by a Neolithic community apparently from the same culture as that at Tràng Kênh, with similar production of nephrite jewellery.

In a paper published in the journal Archaeological Research in Asia on 16 November 2023, Isabella Shaw of the School of Archaeology and Anthropology at the Australian National University, Nguyễn Thị Thúy of the Vietnam Institute of Archaeology, Bùi Xuân Tùng of the Department of Archaeology at the VNU University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Elle Grono, also of the School of Archaeology and Anthropology at the Australian National University, Rachel Wood, again of the School of Archaeology and Anthropology, and of the Research School of Earth Sciences at the Australian National University, Cristina Castillo Cobo of the Institute of Archaeology at University College London, Peter Bellwood and Philip Piper, once again of the School of Archaeology and Anthropology at the Australian National University, and Lâm Thị Mỹ Dung, also of the Department of Archaeology at the VNU University of Social Sciences and Humanities, describe the results of a new series of excavations carried out at Đầu Rằm in 2018, and the conclusions drawn about the methods of the Neolithic nephrite jewellery-makers of the  Red River Delta.

Đầu Rằm is located on the on the southwest side of Tân Island, at the western edge of Ha Long Bay. The island is cut off from the mainland by the Hàm Rồng and Giang rivers. The site comprises two outcrops of kart limestone, Núi Đầu Rằm Lớn to the southeast and Núi Đầu Rằm Nhỏ to the northwest, and an area of sand between the two. It is likely that significant archaeological material was lost from the area during quarrying, which removed most of the karst from both outcrops before the significance of the site was realised. Previous excavations of the site revealed an occupation by the Đông Sơn people, between about 300 BC and 100 AD, overlying an older, Neolithic occupation with evidence for the manufacturing of nephrite jewellery. Shaw et al. excavated two new trenches on the sandy area, one close to the southern face of the Núi Đầu Rằm Nhỏ karst outcrop, and the second on the eastern end of the previous excavations.

Locations of the archaeological excavation trenches at Đầu Rằm (Black lines are unpaved tracks). Shaw et al. (2023).

The excavations yielded only Neolithic material, with no sign of the Đông Sơn culture. The soil here was sandy, with a surface layer of dark brown through ash-grey loamy material. A high concentration of shells was found in the sediment, reaching about 1.5 m deep at the karst outcrop, and extending about 10 m southwards. No signs of post holes or pits were found, suggesting that no construction had occurred here, and the distribution of the shells suggests that they may have been discarded from the top of the limestone outcrop. Cultural items were found within this shelly layer, and had probably been discarded in the same way.

The discarded material includes a large number of shells, as well as Animal bones, charred Plant remains, fragments of pottery, stone implements and debitage (left over fragments) from the making of nephrite rings. Two types of pottery were found. The most common type, comprising 98.2% of the assemblage, or 20 152 individual pieces, has a crushed shell temper, and a rim type known as 'miệng mai' (meaning 'house roof') which is only known from the northern Red River Delta, having been found at Đầu Rằm, Tràng Kênh, and Bồ Chuyến, all of which suggests it was made locally. The second type of pottery is a finely manufactured, sand tempered ceramic, otherwise known from the Phùng Nguyên settlements of the upper Red River, in Vĩnh Phúc and Phú Thọ provinces. Twenty two carbon dates were obtained from material from the midden, which indicated that use of the site began between 1782 and 1645 BC, and ended between 1576 and 1441 BC, giving a period of use of between 94 and 293 years.

The most distinctive feature of the Đầu Rằm locality is, however, the nephrite jewellery which appears to have been manufactured there. The most common forms are rings and bangles, although some cylindrical beads have also been recovered from the site.

Based upon the debitage and tool fragments recovered from Đầu Rằm in 2018, Shaw et al. propose a chaîne opératoire (chain of operations) for the production of nephrite rings and bangles. 

The material used in the manufacture is a s tremolitic nephrite, which is usually white or a pale orange colour, sometimes with grey mottling or veins. Where this nephrite came from is not precisely known, but nephrite pebbles can be collected from rivers and streams in Sơn La and Phú Thọ provinces, and nephrite inclusions are also known within the limestones of Thủy Nguyên, Hoành Bồ, and Đông Triều districts of Quảng Ninh province), and elsewhere in the mountains of northern Vietnam. The only evidence for the source material used at Đầu Rằm is a water-worn white nephrite cobble which shows signs of having been worked.

Once obtained the nephrite was cut into blanks (slices which could be further worked) using rasp-like saws made from sedimentary rock, which would have been drawn back and forth across the softer nephrite, probably with the addition of water and sand. These saws were small tools, designed to fit in the palm of the hand. Many had curved backs, which would have enabled them to be controlled by the index finger. Once the rock was cut into squared slices in this way it could then be ground to the desired thickness using a piece of rough sandstone. The corners of the squared slices could then be removed by sawing into the blanks from both sides, then snapping them off, to give a more rounded piece.

Once a near-round shape was achieved, the blank was further shaped by smoothing the edges with a piece of sandstone to achieve a circular disk. Examples of such disks have been found at Đầu Rằm with multiple grinding grooves, indicating that they were used to shape rings of different widths. This shaping of the outer surface of the ring was always completed before the inner core was drilled out, presumably because the rings were less delicate at this stage.

The inner part of the ring is theorised to have been drilled out by mounting the circular blank on a turntable which could be rotated with a wooden bow mechanism, then grinding the moving ring with a stone drill bit attached to a horizontal fixed arm. This would have enabled a circular grove to have been cut into the blank, with adjustment of the position of the fixed arm enabling different sized circles to be cut. The blank would have been worked by carving paired grooves on each side. A wooden bow drill has been found at the Dong Du site, and debitage indicating this modus operandi at Tràng Kênh, while a number of drill bits consistent with this method have been recovered at Đầu Rằm.

Finally, once the grooves on each side of the blank were deemed sufficiently deep, the core would have been removed by striking it with a hammerstone to form a ring. This last part of the operation appears to have been quite tricky, with a risk of breaking the thin ring in the process. At least one ring apparently broken at this stage has been found at Đầu Rằm, as well as ten hammerstones, with percussion marks on multiple facets, probably indicating they were used for a variety of tasks; one of these was notably small, and could have been easily held in one hand for precision tasks such as striking out the core of a ring.

This process would have left a sharp, uneven, flange around the inside of the ring, so the next task would have been to remove this by inserting a cylindrical grinder which could be used to smooth this inner surface by manual rotation. Four such cylindrical grinders have been found at Đầu Rằm, three of which appear to have been used at both ends. 

Finally, the ring would have been polished to a smooth surface using a dense, fine-grained stone polisher (one example of which has been found at Đầu Rằm), and then probably a piece organic material such as Bamboo, wood, or leather.

The chaîne opératoire of manufacture for nephrite rings at Đầu Rằm: (a) Initial raw material cutting and sawing; (b) grinding a preform to a desired thickness; (c) cutting a preform to an appropriate size; (d) removing corners; (e) grinding to a circular shape; (f) drilling out a core (from both sides); (g) using a ‘punch’ to remove a core; (h) grinding the inside of a ring; (i) grinding the exterior; (j) polishing to produce a surface gloss. Shaw et al. (2023).

Previous excavations at Đầu Rằm produced material from two phases of occupation, with the majority of the material coming from the younger Bronze Age Đông Sơn culture. However, Shaw et al.;s 2018 excavations found no trace of this younger material. Both dating evidence and the material recovered suggest that the earlier phase of occupation at Đầu Rằm was Neolithic, and the common style of pottery and nephrite working strongly indicates that the culture here was the same as the one at the nearby Đầu Rằm, Tràng Kênh, and Bồ Chuyến sites, with archaeologists referring to this common culture as the Tràng Kênh culture, as this site was discovered first. 

Radiometric dates obtained from both Tràng Kênh and Đầu Rằm suggest that this culture was active during the early-to-middle second millennium BC, although the results were not considered accurate enough for a more detailed chronology. Occupation at the Tràng Kênh site continued into the Bronze Age, which has been dated here to the end of the second millennium BC.

The artisans at Đầu Rằm used a standardised tool kit and methodology to manufacture rings, which would have required both a high degree of skill and a level of technical understanding which enabled the manufacturing and maintenance of the equipment needed for this process. This process also appears to have been used at Tràng Kênh, where evidence for a range of other manufacturing processes, not seem at Đầu Rằm has also been discovered. Items seen at Tràng Kênh but not Đầu Rằm include earrings with four protuberances, penannular earrings and T-sectioned bangles. T-sectioned bangles have also been found at sites in the upper Red River Valley associated with the Phùng Nguyên Neolithic culture, and at Mán Bạc in Ninh Bình Province, a site confidently dated to between 2000 and 1300 BC, indicating manufacture clearly pre-dating the onset of the local Bronze Age.

The difference between the wider range of manufactured items found at Tràng Kênh than Đầu Rằm poses questions about the nature of the two sites. It is possible that Tràng Kênh was simply larger than Đầu Rằm, and could therefore support a greater range of craftsmen, but it is also possible that some of the skills used at Tràng Kênh were effectively trade secrets which the people of Đầu Rằm did not possess.

Examples of the various artefacts, debitage and implements used in the production of nephrite rings at Đầu Rằm; (a) nephrite raw material, the black arrow indicates where attempts have been made to shape the piece; (b) sandstone saw (working edge at bottom); c. corner offcuts with saw lines and flanges along their edges; (d). and (e) external grinders; (f) polished drill bit; (g) inner cores of various sizes, note misalignment in the coring of the two smallest specimens on the right (arrow: internal flange); (h) one working end of an internal ring grinder of sandstone; (i) hard, fine-grained sandstone grinder; (j) almost completed ring. Shaw et al. (2023).

The wide area over which jewellery apparently manufactured at Tràng Kênh and Đầu Rằm have been found implies that these settlements were embedded in an extensive trade network. It has been suggested that the raw materials from which this jewellery was made was itself imported, which if true, would suggest that the location of the settlements was chosen for access to waterways, and therefore trade networks. 

Items made from nephrite have been found at more than 70 Neolithic Phùng Nguyên culture sites on the plains around the lower Red River. Some of these sites, such as Hồng Đa, show evidence of local manufacture of this jewellery, presumably from imported materials, but it is quite likely that many were importing finished jewellery from Tràng Kênh and Đầu Rằm. Pottery thought to have been manufactured in the lower Red River Valley has been found at both Tràng Kênh and Đầu Rằm, implying that this was another item traded between communities.

The Neolithic trade networks in nephrite jewellery and other goods were, nevertheless, quite restricted compared to the Iron Age trade networks which emerged in the region with goods being traded from Thailand and Cambodia to Taiwan and the Philippines. The Neolithic trade network appears to have extended at least as far south as Cồn Nền, a Bàu Tró culture site on the coast of Quảng Bình Province. This is consistent with other evidence, which suggests that by about 4000 years ago, two distinct and separate trade networks had emerged in northern and southern Vietnam.

Elsewhere, there appears to have been trade between Taiwan and southeast China during the Neolithic, where workshops appear to have made similar cylindrical beads, rings and penannular earrings at Fengtian in eastern Taiwan, around the Zhujiang Delta, and at Yunglong in Hong Kong. Some of the techniques used at these Chinese workshops resemble those used at Tràng Kênh and Đầu Rằm, possibly implying a both groups shared a common ancestry, possibly from the lower Yangtze region of central China, where Neolithic workshops are known from around 4000 BC onwards.

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Thursday, 26 August 2021

Interpreting the gender identity of the Suontaka Vesitorninmäki burial.

Reports of women buried with weapons always generate considerable interest in archaeology. One notable example of this is the Suontaka Vesitorninmäki grave from southern Finland, which has been interpreted as a woman buried with two swords, based upon the feminine clothing of the individual, and the presence of jewellery, which is not generally found in male burials of the period (the grave has been dated to between 1050 and 1300 AD). This site has been held up as an example of a powerful woman in a late Iron Age/early medieval society since its discovery in the 1960s, and was on permanent display as evidence of a female leader at the National Museum of Finland from 1995 to 2016, with one of the swords from the site being on display in the ‘Meet the Vikings’ exhibition at the National Museum of Denmark as a woman's weapon.

In a paper published in the European Journal of Archaeology on 15 July 2021, Ulla Moilanen of the Department of Archaeology at the University of Turku, Tuija Kirkinen of the Department of Cultures at the University of Helsinki, Nelli-Johanna Saari and Adam Rohrlach of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, Johannes Krause of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Päivi Onkamo of the Department of Biology at the University of Turku, and Elima Salmela of the Organismal and Evolutionary Biology Research Programme at the University of Helsinki, present a review of our understanding of the Suontaka grave, re-examining the original field documentation of the site and presenting new microscopic analysis of material from the grave and a DNA analysis of the genetic identity of the individual from the grave.

 
Location of the Häme (Tavastia) region in Finland, with Suontaka marked with a red dot. Moilanen et al. (2021).

For much of the history of archaeology, bodies have been identified as male or female, depending on analysis of skeletons and/or the presence of grave goods interpreted as masculine or feminine, with genetic analysis recently added to the available repertoire of techniques. However, simply dividing Human populations into men and women is sometimes an oversimplification, with a range of genetic, chromosomal, and hormonal conditions known to blur the biological lines between the sexes, and people sometimes self-identifying in ways that differ from their biology. Recent developments in neurology have demonstrated that our brains do not neatly divide into 'male' and 'female' groups, but show a variation in personality, cognition, and behaviour that is individualistic rather than coupled to biological sex.

Since the 1970s, anthropologists have come to an understanding that biological sex and socially determined gender are different things, with gender roles essentially learned, with people tending to conforn to the norms expected of their body-type, while biological sex is an expression of chromosomal, hormonal, anatomical, and physical features.

Modern western perceptions of a binary division of the sexes tend to dominate in archaeology, but other cultures have had different perspectives. Early medieval cultures had their own views on masculinity and femininity, but it is unclear how fixed these roles were in their perception, and to what extent they could be modified by circumstances. Traditionally, medieval societies have been perceived as having very distinct male and female roles, but more recent studies have suggested that they may have been more flexible in their views.

The practice of identifying the gender of individuals by the grave goods buried with them adds further confusion to this issue, since we cannot be confident about how rigid these rules were. The presence of swords in medieval graves in northern Europe is generally taken as a strong indicator of masculinity, and as having the status as a member of a warrior class, but this secondary role, one as a class identifier rather than a gender one could potentially confuse the issue. Individuals identified as female by their body type, and who are buried with jewellery (usually taken as a sign of femininity), have occasionally been found with axes, spear- and arrow-heads, but swords are much rarer, and generally taken as cause for comment. Notably, bodies which are identified as female, and which are buried with swords, are generally lacking in 'feminine' grave goods such as jewellery, possibly suggesting that women were allowed to take on masculine gender under some circumstances in Scandinavian culture, but that once they had done so, were expected to conform to their new gender identity. Working from this assumption, the presence of weapons in 'female' graves becomes problematic, and has led to archaeologists sometimes looking for more explanation than might be merited, such as assuming that graves containing both weapons and jewellery must have originally been double burials, despite there being no evidence for a second body. Such investigations potentially tell us more about the cultural assumptions of the archaeologists excavating the burial than those of the people who dug the grave in the first place.

Discovered in 1968, the Suontaka Vesitorninmäki gained fame for the mixture of 'masculine' and 'feminine' grave goods found within a single burial. The most notable item was a bronze-hilted sword with Urnes style ornamentation (slim, stylised animals woven into patterns, typically indicative of late eleventh or early twelfth century manufacture), with the grave also containing a second, hiltless sword blade, two oval brooches, a small penannular (ring shaped, with part of the circumference missing) brooch, a twin-spiral chain-bearer, and a sickle. Traditionally, swords are considered to be masculine items in burials, while jewellery is feminine. Sickles can be found in graves associated with either gender in Finland, but are more common in female burials. All of the objects point towards a burial in the late eleventh or early twelfth century AD, which would coincide with the Crusade Period in Finland (during which Sweden invaded southwestern Finland, officially to convert the pagan Finns to Christianity, although it is likely that the Finns were already Christian by this point). A subsequent radiocarbon date obtained from a fragment of femur obtained from the grave indicated the burial took place between 1040 and 1174 AD.

 
The objects found in the Suontaka grave. (A) bronze-hilted sword (NM 17777:1); (B) hiltless sword (NM 17777:2) with silver inlays (inset); (C) two oval brooches with textile fragments (NM 17777:4–5); (D) twin-spiral chain-bearer (NM 17777:6); (E) sheathed knife (NM 17777:3); (F) penannular brooch (NM 17777:7); (G) sickle (NM 17777:8). Moilanen et al. (2021).

The original excavation of the Suontaka Vesitorninmäki site was carried out in October 1968, after the bronze-hilted sword was discovered during work on a water pipeline. The discovery of the sword led to archaeologist Oiva Keskitalo investigating to the site. Keskitalo subsequently discovered an area of darker soil cross-cutting the pipeline trench, further investigation of which revealed the grave. The pipeline intersected the upper right corner of the grave, which was where the sword was located. The distance between the sword and the skeletal remains and other artefacts within the grave was not recorded, but some of the dark soil needed to be removed to expose these, whereas the sword appears to have been on top of the dark layer, making it likely that the sword was not part of the original burrial assemblage. No other graves have been found in the area, so the grave was either a solitary burrial, or is the sole survivor of a burial ground which has otherwise been lost.

The context of the find makes the interpretation of the sword difficult; the site had been disturbed by pipeline workers before archaeologists were called in, and the site was excavated in late autumn, with temperatures dropping as low as -10°C. However, it would have been warmer at the bottom of the pit, so the field observations should be seen as reasonably reliable. The position and shape of the skeleton were documented, with the tibias, femora, pelvis, elbow joints, ribs, and skull all in place when they were uncovered, although they were in an advanced state of decomposition and almost entirely composed of soft material which could not be recovered, with the exception of two femora fragments. 

 
(A) Plan of the Suontaka burial. ‘Täckdike’ marks the water pipe trench which led to the discovery of the grave. (B) Artist’s reconstruction of the burial, showing the position of the objects on the body. Drawing by Veronika Paschenko. Moilanen et al. (2021).

The rarity of swords in graves which also contain 'feminine' grave goods led to some controversy in how the Suontaka Vesitorninmäki burial should be interpreted. The most obvious possibility, based upon 1960s archaeologists' understanding of early medieval graves, was that this was a double burial, and that there must originally have been two bodies in the grave. Confronted with a grave containing a skeleton associated with two brooches and a sword, Keskitalo searched for evidence of a second body, but could find none. The grave was found to have an even floor, upon which the body had been placed, with no evidence of a coffin, and was apparently two small for a second corpse. It is possible that a second body could have been placed on top of the first body, something which is known to accelerate the decay rate of the upper body (or bodies), but the grave lacks any sign that would be associated with that, such as varying soil colouration caused by an upper decomposition layer, and the only artefact that does not appear to have been placed in context with the skeleton is the bronze-hilted sword.

The sword without a hilt was located on the left side of the pelvis, with the sheathed knife on top of it. The two oval brooches, and associated fibres, were located beneath the shoulders, which implies the body was dressed in the typical female clothing of the day. The chain bearer lacked associated chains and was located in the centre of the chest, which may imply it was worn as a pendant rather than as an actual chain-bearer, something typically associated with female burials. The penannular brooch was located at about waist level, the sickle placed upon the chest. Items placed on top of bodies tend to move downwards, although this is likely to be less notable in an instance like the Suontaka Vesitorninmäki grave, where no coffin was used, enabling sediment to replace tissue as it decayed. This supports the idea that all the objects other than the bronze-hilted sword were placed directly on the body, rather than on another corpse that subsequently decomposed completely.

No samples of soil were deliberately collected at the time of the excavation, but small amount of soil was excavated along with the recovered femur fragments, which Moilanen et al. analysed for fragments of hair or textiles. They were able to recover a total of 23 Mammal hair-fragments, mostly between 0.2 and 2 mm in length, and three fragments of Bird feathers, between 0.2 and 0.5 μm. Seven of the hairs were unidentifiable. Fourteen of the hairs came from Sheep (i.e. wool), of which nine were naturally coloured (six white and three brown) and five had apparently been died (three bluish green and two blue). In addition there was one hair identified as either coming from a Fox or a Mustelid, and one identified as either Rabbit or Hare, the latter of which was purple in colour, again probably due to dying. None of the feather fragments could be identified. 

 
Examples of identified animal hairs from the soil sample. (A) Leporidae; (B) Vulpes vulpes or Mustelidae (K20); (C) Ovis aries (K13); D: Aves (K19). Moilanen et al. (2021).

The limited amount of bone material recovered from the grave prevented any osteological analysis, but it did prove possible to extract DNA from the sample. This sample was again limited in nature, preventing a full genetic analysis, but did allow for sex identification, as this is one of the tests which requires the least amount of data.

Surprisingly, the most likely outcome of this test was neither an XX ('normal female') or XY ('normal male') karyotype, but rather an XXY karyotype, i.e. a male (the presence of an Y chromosome usually determines maleness), but with a second X chromosome, a condition called Klinefelter syndrome. In modern populations about 1 in 576 male Humans have Klinefelter syndrome, the majority of whom will never show any symptoms of the condition, but in some cases symptoms are present, including infertility, small genitalia, breast development, and occasionally a small vaginal opening beneath the penis. There are also some psychological symptoms that are sometimes associated with the condition when physical symptoms are not present, but since these are closely linked to cultural background, and observed in men who have been told they have it, it is difficult to assess how they could be related to twelfth century Finland.

The Suontaka Vesitorninmäki grave appears to have contained a single individual, dressed in a way that would have been considered feminine at the time. The grave contains a hiltless sword associated with the body, the other, bronze-hilted, sword appears to post-date the original burial. It is possible it was deliberately placed at the grave site by a later generation; such hiding of swords in burial mounds and other special locations for magical purposes is known to have been practiced. However, the hiltless sword was clearly buried with the body, and presumably therefore relates to the person in the grave. The sword bears no sign of battle-damage, and the hilt may have been deliberately removed (although it might have been made of material which has degraded post-burial), which might be a way of indicating the owner of the sword was less than completely masculine. The presence of an apparently intentionally unusable sword is curious, as the burial occurred in a time of violent cultural disturbance, with a number of hillforts being erected in the area at the time, and other swords locally recovered from the period often showing battle damage.

The hairs recovered from the grave imply the presence of both naturally coloured and dyed fabrics, and possibly garments made from fur or Animal skin; such materials were often used to make cloths linings, mittens, pouches, and knife sheaths in early medieval Finland. The presence of a Rabbit or Hare hair might imply a garment made from a textile made from Rabbit fur, or blended Rabbit fur and wool, both of which would have been high value items at the time. The feather fragments might relate to a pillow or other bedding item. All of this points towards an individual with some social standing in the society in which they lived.

The possibility that the individual in the grave was a male with Klinefelter syndrome is not unprecedented in archaeology; other individuals with the condition have been reported from Viking Age Iceland, early Neolithic Germany, and possibly the Orkney Islands in the Viking Age, although none of these graves appeared to be otherwise atypical for the cultures that produced them. Based upon this, the discovery of an individual with Klinefelter syndrome in a grave bearing a mixture of goods with different gender-associations is a novel one.

However, it should be remembered that Klinefelter syndrome does not necessarily have any visible symptoms, and that people's personal gender identity sometimes varies considerably from their anatomical appearance, and that it is dangerous to make assumptions about the Suontaka Vesitorninmäki individual's gender identity purely based upon their karyotype.

The possibility that the individual did show some noticeable symptoms of Klinefelter syndrome cannot be completely overlooked, however. The age of the individual is unknown, but it is likely they had lived past puberty, when any such symptoms would have become more obvious. Gender roles tend to be shaped by both an individual's perception of themselves, and the way in which their wider society views them. In Early Modern Finland masculinity is known to have been closely related to the ability to sire children, and a man who could not do so was likely to be seen as less that fully masculine, although it is unclear how far back in time these cultural assumptions can safely be projected.

Clothing is also an important manifestation of personal identity. This appears to have been well understood in medieval Europe, where there are numerous tales of female warriors adopting male dress and identities. In early modern Finland cross-dressing was strongly associated with anatomical ambiguity, and anyone wearing gender-inappropriate clothing was likely to be refferred to as a hermaphrodite (although, again it is hard to judge how far back in time this assumption can be extrapolated). Seen in this light, an individual buried with a mixture of male and female accoutrements could quite possibly have been anatomically non-binary. However, our current understanding of the culture of early medieval culture would predict such an individual would be viewed in a fairly negative light, whereas the context of the Suontaka Vesitorninmäki burial implies an individual held in high regard by those that buried them. 

Early medieval Scandinavia is generally viewed as having had an ultra-masculine culture, with strongly defined gender roles, in which it would be seen as shameful for a man to adopt women's clothing. However, there is some evidence that individuals with more ambivalent gender identities could have been involved in ritual practices, and would therefore have been tolerated, and even valued. A twelfth century grave from Vivallen in western Sweden was found to contain a male body buried in female clothing, but with masculine grave goods. This grave has been interpreted as that of a shaman, possibly deriving from the Sámi culture of northern Scandinavia. 

A binary view of gender assumes that there is a single way of being a man and a single way of being a woman. The Vivallen and Suontaka Vesitorninmäki burials suggest that medieval Scandinavian societies may not always have seen the world in this way. The Suontaka Vesitorninmäki burial in particular appears to present evidence of a non-binary individual being able to hold a valued role in such a society, despite being willing to be conspicuously different from the norm. It is of course possible that such an individual was respected because of their birth rank rather than because of their difference; an unusual person from a powerful and well-connected family would probably be tolerated more easily that one from a less prominent family, since people would seek to avoid conflict with that person's relatives, no matter what they might privately think. The presence of a sword in the grave may be indicative of this, since swords were a valuable artefact at the time, and not necessarily available to every male member of the population. The individual does appear to have been a local; the brooches are of a local type and nothing in the grave appears to indicate a foreign origin, whereas other Scandinavian graves (such as Vivallen) in which males were buried with female items have been interpreted as being of strangers, buried with inappropriate items as a sign of disrespect.

In early medieval times, Suontaka does not appear to have been a remote location; the area is surrounded by other archaeological sites, including a hillfort, sacrificial stones, cemeteries, and settlement sites surrounded by ancient fields. The village was probably one of the more important in the region, possibly the site of local assemblies. The presence of a burial with grave goods including feather bedding, fur cloths and a silver-inlaid sword would appear to support this view, as well as the likelihood that the individual buried came from a wealthy and well-connected family, and might therefore have been tolerated a degree of cultural freedon not accorded to all members of society. However, it is also possible that the people of early medieval Finland were more flexible in their views of gender roles than has generally been assumed. The Suontaka Vesitorninmäki individual appears to have been buried with items associated with both genders, and those items appear to have been indicative of a degree of wealth. This makes it less likely that that person had been forced into a gender ambivalent role as a mark of humiliation, and more likely that they were able to express their identity freely, in contrast to the normal expectations of their society (or our expectations of it) and still hold a relatively high position in that society. The addition of a second, high-status sword at some time after the initial burial would seem to imply that the individual retained their high status after death, and was seen as important by subsequent generations.

The Suontaka Vesitorninmäki  individual was previously interpreted as a woman buried with two swords. The grave was clearly well stocked with high value items, but it is likely that only one of the swords was part of the original grave assemblage, with the second being added later. The individual in the grave now seems less likely to have been female, and more likely to have been a male individual with Klinefelter syndrome. The individual appears to have been a male, but one who would not fit the expected norms of a masculine society in which warfare was celebrated. Nevertheless, the individual appears to have been a respected member of that society, implying that that society was more open-minded about individuals who did not fit typical gender roles that has previously been assumed, although to what extent this was dependent on that person's pre-existing social rank is unclear.

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