Batrachedra olei: A new species of Frog Moth from La Gomera, Canary Islands.

Frog Moths, Batrachedridae are a small group of largely tropical Moths, which gain their name from their resting posture, in which the front legs are held under the body while the back legs sprawl at the side, causing them to sit upright in a similar manner to a Frog. There are ten genera within the Family Batrachedridae, with the most abundant genus, Batrachedra, containing 114 known species and being found on every continent except Antarctica.

In a paper published in the journal SHILAP Revista de lepidopterología on 30 September 2025, Per Falck, an independent researcher from Neksø in Denmark describes a new species of Batrachedra, from the island of La Gomera in the Canaries. 

The new species is named Batrachedra olei in honour of the Danish lepidopterist Ole Karsholt, who Per Falck identifies as a good friend, and who helped him which both the content and the language of the research paper. The species is described from a series of specimens attracted to an actinic light (the sort of light in electric 'fly-killers') set up at locations on the island of La Gomera between 2021 and 2024.

Batrachedra olei, male, La Gomera, 11.5 mm wingspan. Falck (2025).

Specimens of Batrachedra olei range from 7.5 to 12.5 mm in wingspan, and have are white on their heads, necks, and the forepart of their thoraxes, while the hindpart of their thoraxes, their abdomens, their hindwings, and their antennae are yellowish grey. The forewings of the species are yellowish ochreous mottled with grey scales, with two indistinct, longitudinal streaks.

 Batrachedra olei, female, La Gomera, 12 mm wingspan. Falck (2025).

Adults of Batrachedra olei were found on the northern part of La Gomera between January and November, no juvenile specimens were found. The species is probably endemic to the island. Batrachedra olei is the first species discovered in the Canary Islands. There are seven previously described species of Batrachedra from Europe and North Africa, but a DNA barcode analysis recovered an unnamed species from South Africa as the closest relative to Batrachedra olei.

See also...

Toledodiscus valverdi: A new species of Eodiscide Trilobite from the Early Cambrian of Toledo Province, Spain.

The Eodiscides were a group of Agnostid Trilobites, which appeared in the late Early Cambrian and persisted till the end of the Middle Cambrian. They were small in size, with only two or three thoracic segments. Within the Eodiscina, the Weymouthiidae were a group of blind (eyeless) Trilobites lacking free cheeks, known only from the latest Early Cambrian and earliest Middle Cambrian.

In a paper published in the journal Historical Biology on 14 February 2025, Luis Collantes of the Yunnan Key Laboratory for Palaeobiology and MEC International Joint Laboratory for Palaeobiology and Palaeoenvironment at Yunnan University, and Sofia Pereira of the Centro de Geociências at the Universidade de Coimbra, describe a new species of Weymouthiid Eodiscide Trilobite from the Upper Marian (Cambrian 'Stage 4') of Toledo Province, Spain.

The new species is described from eight isolated cephala, three isolated pygidia and six complete specimens, preserved as internal and external moulds, collected from a site within the 'metasedimentary unit’ of the Schist-Greywacke Complex of the Schist-Greywacke Complex, about 25 km to the southwest of the city of Toledo. It is given the name Toledodiscus valverdi:, where 'Toledodiscus' refers to the location where the specimens were discovered, and 'valverdi' honours the late agronomist and palaeontologist Ildefonso Recio Valverde for his contributions to the study of the palaeontology of Toledo Province and the conservation and dissemination of the palaeontological heritage of the Toledo Mountains.

Toledodiscus valverdi, Soleras Formation, upper Marianian, Totanés, Toledo, Spain, all in dorsal view. (a) MPT–01306, holotype. (b) MPT–01312. (c) MPT–01313. (d) MPT–01309. (e) MPZ 2021/337. (f) MPT–01307. (g) MPT–01319. (h) MPT–01308. (i) MPT–01318. (j) MPT–01310. (k) MPT–01315. Scale bars are 2 mm. Collantes & Periera (2025).

Toledodiscus valverdi resembles members of the genus Serrodiscus, and in particular Serrodiscus bellimarginatus, with some specimens initially being identified as belonging to that species. However, unlike any member of the genus Serrodiscus, Toledodiscus valverdi has ocular ridges a structure usually absent in all Weymouthiids. Weymouthiids, like other Eodiscides, lacked eyes, and therefore have no obvious use for ocular ridges; some other Eodiscides do retain these structures, which are assumed to be a 'primitive' trait within the group, inherrited from a sighted ancestor. This could be interpreted as a sign that Toledodiscus is a more primitive genus than Serrodiscus, and possibly ancestral to it. However, Toledodiscus valverdi also has a well-defined occipital structure, something considered an advanced trait in Weymouthiids, and absent in all known members of the genus Serrodiscus.

Idealized schematic illustration of the representative dorsal characters of Toledodiscus valverdi. Noah Schamuells in Collantes & Periera (2025).

See also...

Using microfossils and pollen to determine the origin of a set of stocks in the collection of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.

In 2019 a man donated a set of stocks to the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam, which he claimed his  grandfather had acquired in the  1970s from a farm in Zeeland Province.  The museum put the stocks on display in 2021, as part of an exhibition about the Dutch colony in Brazil between 1630 and 1654. In 2023, the stocks were loaned to the United Nations in New York, where they formed part of an exhibition about slavery in Dutch colonies. However, during the New York exhibition, questions were raised as to whether the stocks had ever actually been to South America. A radiocarbon analysis suggested that the tree from which the stocks had been made was probably felled in about 1800, with the stocks probably being made in the first quarter of the nineteenth century. Furthermore, DNA testing established that the wood came from a lineage of Oak trees, which today is found growing in Europe between northern Spain in in the south and southern Scandinavia in the north. 

In a paper published in the journal Review of Palaeobotany and Palynology on 10 August 2024, Hans Piena of the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Dutch Open Air Museum, and the Royal Netherlands Historical Society, Bas van Geel of the University of Amsterdam, Tom Hakbijl of the Naturalis Biodiversity Center, Arie Kalis of Goethe University, Pim van der Knaap and Jacqueline van Leeuwen, also of the University of Amsterdam, and Kees Nooren of Utrecht University, describe the results of a study which looked at palynological evidence (preserved pollen and spores) to develop a forensic picture of the environment in which the stocks had been used.

Oak stocks in the collection of the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam (Inv.nr. NG.2019–502). Measurements: 265 × 37.5 × 23 cm. Piena et al. (2024).

Sediment was extracted from holes and cracks in the stocks, and analysed for palynomorphs (pollen, algae and spores), and the surface of the stocks were analysed for surface wear and other traces of use.

The stocks comprise two oak beams resting on a pair of cross-braces. Each beam has nine semicircular openings, which correspond to similar openings on the other beam, with the pair making a hole. on the other beam. At one end of the beams is an iron hinge, at the other an obliquely worn padlock eye. The insides of the holes have been smoothed to a shiny surface, suggesting that the stocks were used frequently. The upper surface of the beams are also smooth, having apparently been rubbed frequently with sand; cracks and small holes on this surface were filled with sediment. There are also a large number of chopping and cutting marks on the upper surface, in places forming a chequerboard pattern. The underside shows no signs of similar wear or sanding, and is largely free of sediment. 

The two cross-braces yielded traces of attacks by Fungi and Woodworm, which are not seen on the beams, and are interpreted by Piena et al. as feet upon which the stocks sat. They were previously interpreted as side braces in the two slavery exhibitions, which would have led to the stocks being horizontal, holding prisoners seated on the floor. Under Piena et al.'s interpretation, the holes would have been vertical, forcing anyone  trapped in the stocks to stand.

The number '22' has been written on the upper surface of the stocks in blue chalk. The fact that this has not been rubbed of strongly suggests that it was written after the stocks ceased being used, possibly as part of an inventory process or auction sale. Before the twentieth century, chalk could be produced in few colours other than white, but blue is one of those colours, making it possible the number was written in the nineteenth century. 

The contents of a sediment-filled hole on the upper surface of the stocks were analysed for siliceous microfossils. This produced about 500 000 Diatoms per gram of sediment, with fifty different species identified. These were largely indicative of a mesotrophic freshwater environment, such as a slow-flowing stream or ditch.  This included the epiphytic Diatom Cocconeis placentula, which grows on the surface of aquatic Plants or Macroalgae. No marine or brackish water species were found. Phytoliths (opaline silica crystals which build up in the leaves of Plants as dissolved monosillicic acid taken up with groundwater and precipitated out as water is lost from the leaves via transpiration) associated with Grasses were found, but none associated with Palms. Also present in great numbers were the stomatocysts of Chrysophytes (Golden-brown Algae), which are also typical of freshwater environments, with about 460 000 stomatocysts per gram of sediment. Also present were samples of the freshwater Alga Spirogyra and pollen of the freshwater Plant Myriophyllum alterniflorum. All of these species are indicative of freshwater ecosystems, but otherwise fairly cosmopolitan, and can be found in tropical and temperate environments.

Samples of pollen and spores were extracted from eight different cracks and holes on the surface of the stocks, with five samples being extracted from one large hole. A total of 7106 individual specimens were found, including 142 taxa of spores and pollen, from 18 trees, 21 shrubs, 91 herbs, 5 Ferns, and 7 types of Fungi, Algae, and Moss. This high proportion of herb pollen is likely to be indicative of an open agricultural environment, probably with low nutrient levels. This contained only a small proportion of Chenopodiaceaetype and Plantago maritima-type pollen, making a salt marsh environment unlikely. Many of the pollen types are cosmopolitan in distribution, but others, including Armeria, Cistaceae, Erica arborea, Lavandula, Nerium oleander, Olea, Pinus pinaster, Quercus ilex, Urtica pilulifera, Eryngium tenue, Corrigiola telephiifolia, and Vitis vinifera, are typical of the Mediterranean region, while others, including Erica australis, Erica umbellata, Cistus albidus, Cistus populifolius, Cistus ladanifer, and Halimium halimifolium, are found only on the western Iberian Peninsula and in western North Africa. Notably, the pollen of Cedrus and Chamaerops, which are more-or-less ubiquitous in recent North African sediments, were absent. 

Many pollen samples from cereal species showed signs of heat-deformation, something which has previously been observed in samples from medieval cesspits, and which is thought to be associated with bread or porridge-making.

The stocks also show signs of Insect damage in places, and yielded some Insect samples. The Insect damage comes in two forms. The first of these is wide flat tunnelling in the cambium layer, which would have underlain the bark, and which is caused by the larvae of Buprestid or Cerambycid Beetles. The second form of damage is a series of small boreholes likely to have been caused by Anobium punctatum, a small boring Beetle commonly associated with wooden beams and objects in Europe, which favours humid indoor environments. The Insect remains found belong to Ptinus fur or Ptinus clavipes, Adistemia watsoni, Latridius minutus, and two unidentified members of the Corticariinae. Adistemia watsoni is a species native to South America, but which had spread to Europe by the nineteenth century. The Spider Beetles, Ptinus fur and Ptinus clavipes, are typically found in indoor settings, feeding on Human food or other Pland and Animal remains. A small Mite belonging to the family Macrochelidae was also found. This assemblage has been found in other archaeological settings, and is considered typical of an indoor environment with mouldy food, litter and/or hay, and possibly excrement. 

The underside of one of the cross-braces, which is worn and shows traces of Fungal and Woodworm attack. Piena et al. (2024).

Artefacts will typically begin to assemble traces and small microparticles of biological origin from the moment when they are made, enabling researchers to build up a life history of  objects of interest. Examination of the assemblage associated with the Rijksmuseum stocks showed no evidence of these ever having visited South America, despite earlier interpretations.

A prior DNA analysis of the wood suggests that the stocks were made from a tree which probably grew somewhere between northern Spain and southern Scandinavia, and it seems unlikely that it was transported for any great distance before being worked. This is because only wood with a high market value is typically shipped for any great distance, which effectively means wood with a straight grain and few knots. The wood from which the stocks are made has an irregular grain pattern and is somewhat knotty, which would generally only be used if the desired task required wood to be sourced locally. The stocks also show signs of having been worked using techniques typical for green wood usage, which again makes it highly unlikely that the wood was transported any distance before being used.

The style of the stocks, with holes on top forcing the prisoner(s) to stand is unusual, but is known to have been used widely on the Iberian Peninsula during the early nineteenth century, leading Piena et al. to conclude that the stocks are likely to be of Iberian origin.

The samples collected can be expected to have started to accumulate as soon as the stocks were  made, and to have continued to accumulate throughout their existence. Samples were taken from locations all over the stocks, and in one in one location, a hole, a succession of samples were taken from different depths. Despite this, other than samples from the lower side being dusty and samples from the upper side being sandy, there was remarkably little difference in the samples, suggesting that the stocks spent much of their lives in a single environment. 

The pollen samples collected from the stocks suggest that this environment was in western Iberia, while the DNA collected from the wood suggests that it grew no  further south than northern Iberia, which is at least a neighbouring region. 

The Insects collected from the stocks suggest a humid, indoor environment, while the presence of cereal pollen, and good preservation of the Diatoms and pollen suggest that the sediment in which they were preserved did was not exposed to moisture for long periods.

Based upon this evidence, Piena et al. consider two separate scenarios, which could account for the accumulation of microfossils seen on the stocks. 

It is possible that the entire assemblage is post-use, representing a time when the stocks had been abandoned in a slow-moving stream or ditch, in an open agricultural environment with poor soils and intensive Rye cultivation, an environment typical of the Iberian Peninsula in the nineteenth century. This scenario is supported by the good preservation of pollen and Diatoms, the type of sediment found, and the low number of Fungal spores, but contradicted by the presence of sediment only on the upper side of the stocks, not on the underside or in the cavities between the beams and cross-braces. 

Alternatively, the large amount of pollen from wild Grasses and Cereals, particularly Rye, makes it possible that the stocks were used in an indoor environment where Grass and Rye straw were used as litter. This is supported by the types of spores present, which are all from species associated with decaying Plant matter or Animal dung (including Human). This is consistent with the idea that the stocks were used in a humid, indoor environment. The presence of Fungal and Woodworm damage to the underside of the stocks would be consistent with them sitting on a moist floor covered with a litter of straw and hay, possibly in a stable or dungeon (with the latter being more likely, given the presumed purpose of the stocks). Thus the deformed Cereal pollen could have come from bread or porridge fed to prisoners, or their faeces if they were forced to produce this while trapped in the stocks, and the sand in the cracks on the upper surface would be consistent with frequent scrubbing of this surface. 

Historically, most stocks around the world were positioned on their sides, with prisoners thus able to lie down. The Rijksmuseum stocks, however, are of a far rarer design, which held the prisoner in an upright position, forcing them to stand upright. Such stocks were often ued in conjunction with a neck brace on a wall, so that prisoners could be held upright and restrained. This was once common in Spanish prisons, providing a likely origin for the stocks. Notably, such stocks were particularly common during the Peninsula War of 1807-1814 and the Spanish War of Independence of 1814-1823, both wars which were noted for numerous attocities. In other settings, however, stocks of this type were combined with a latrine bench with holes, with prisoners being held in a sitting position.

Por liberal?, 1814–1823, by Francisco de Goya y Lucientes, showing a  woman trapped in a horizontal type of stocks. Piena et al. (2024).

When obtained, little was known about the set of stocks present in the collection of the Rijksmuseum. They were identified as having (recently) come from Zeeland, and were considered appropriate for an exhibition about the Dutch colony in Brazil between 1630 and 1658. Subsequent investigations have suggested that they were most likely made in Europe around 1800, and never taken to South America. Subsequent investigations by Piena et al. have narrowed the likely point of origin to the western Iberian Peninsula, and suggest that they were used in a moist indoor environment, most likely a dungeon.

See also...

'Excalibur of Valencia' found to date to the tenth century Andalusian Caliphate.

A sword known as the 'Excalibur of Valencia', which was discovered by archaeologists in the Seu District of the city in 1994 has been dated to the 10th century, according to a press release issued by the Archeaology Service of the City Council of Valencia on 22 April 2024. The sword was found in an upright position (similar to the way in which the legendary sword of King Arthur of England is commonly depicted, giving it its name) within a refuse pit within the grounds of an Islamic-era house in the Calle del Historiador Chabàs area. However, the style of the sword, which is 46 cm long and curves towards the tip, is typical if the earlier Visigoth Kingdom, which fell to Islamic invaders in 711 AD.

The 'Excalibur of Valencia' during cataloguing work. Archeaology Service of the City Council of Valencia

Now a metallurgical study of the sword has dated it to the tenth century, the same period as the dwelling it was associated with, when Valencia was called Balansiya, and formed part of the Andalusian Caliphate. Islamic era swords are extremely rare in Spain, and finding one in Valencia, where the soils tend to be unfavourable for the preservation of iron, is particularly significant. The style of the sword implies a degree of cultural continuity from the Visigoth period, which is often presumed not to have had a major influence on the succeeding Islamic Period.

See also...

Amasa parviseta: A new and highly invasive species of Ambrosia Beetle from Australia, South America, and Europe.

Ambrosia Beetles are one of the most diverse groups of Bark Beetles, with over 1300 described species in 43 genera, found throughout the world's tropical and temperate regions. The biology of these Beetles enables them to colonise new areas rapidly, with many species considered to be highly invasive pests, causing significant economic and ecological damage in forests, orchards, nurseries as well as urban and suburban gardens. This is because the Beetles bore into the wood of trees and cultivate gardens of Fungus, feeding on an ambrosia produced by the Fungus rather than the wood of the tree. This means that, unlike most wood-boring Insects, they are not tied to a single species of tree, although some species and genera are restricted to a single family of hosts. The reproductive cycle of the Beetles also favours dispersal, with diploid females mating with haploid males within their birth tree before dispersing to new trees to lay eggs. 

The taxonomy of Ambrosia Beetles can be challenging, due to the small size of these Insects, and their wood boring lifestyle, which means both that they are out of sight and that they are not under any evolutionary pressure to become visually distinct. Members of the genus Amasa can be distinguished from other genera by their truncated abdomens and elytra (wing cases) which have a distinct declivity (downward fold) at the rear. However, telling species apart can be difficult, particularly as most species are known only from a single, or very small number of, specimen(s) held in widely distributed collections. There are currently 47 species of Amasa, from across tropical Asia and Oceania; two species from Madagascar have been assigned to the species, but this is probably erroneous. 

In 2011 a species of Amasa found infesting a Eucalyptus grandis plantation in São Paulo State,  Brazil, was provisionally identified as Amasa truncata, a widespread invasive species, although further investigation led to the conclusion that this was a morphologically similar, but unknown, species. This new Beetle was reported from Minas Gerais State in Brazil as well as in neighbouring Uruguay in 2015. In 2016 it was reported from Valparaíso in Chile, and by 2018 it had reached Argentina.

Similar specimens found in Cádiz, Spain, in 2009, were initially identified as Amasa  resecta, but again were later shown not to belong to this species. In 2018 the same species was found in Antibes,  France, and in 2019 in Lisbon,  Portugal. A genetic analysis of specimens collected in France found them to be 100% identical to members of an unknown species from New South Wales.

In a paper published in the journal Zootaxa on 12 January 2024, Miloš Knížek of the Forest Protection Service at the Forestry and Game Management Research Institute, and Sarah Smith of the Department of Entomology at Michigan State University, formally describe the unknown Amasa species based upon specimens from Australia, South America, and Europe.

The new species is named Amasa parviseta, where 'parviseta' means 'small hairs' as the hairs on the elytral  declivity is almost hairless, with only a few microscopic hairs. The new species is described on the basis of specimens from New South Wales, the Australian Capital Territory, and Queensland in Australia, Alpes-Maritimes Department in France, Galicia in Spain, São Paulo State in Brazil, and Tacuarembó Department in Uraguay. It is also thought to be present in Corsica, Portugal, Minas Gerais, Argentina, and Chile.

Amasa parviseta paratype female from Ponteverda Spain (Miloš Knížek collection) (1) habitus dorsal view; (2) habitus lateral view; (3) elytral declivity part; (4) elytral declivital face; (5) lateral detail of elytral declivity with microscopic hair-like setae visible on the lateral edge of the declivity and on the apices of tubercles on the declivital face. Antonín Knížek in Knížek & Smith (2024).

Females of Amasa parviseta are 2.38–3.00 mm long and light brown in colour, with slightly darker elytra. Males are unknown. The species was found on Eucalyptus trees and in Eucalyptus leaf litter; some were captured in traps in mixed Eucalyptus and Pine woodland. 

See also...

Direct archaeological evidence for the torture and mutilation of Mapuche prisoners during the sixteenth century 'War of Arauco'.

The conflict between the conquering Spanish and the indigenous peoples of the Americas has retained a reputation for particular brutality, even against the wider context of European conquests of non-European peoples. In Chile the conflict between the Spanish and the indigenous Mapuche people lasted for almost three centuries, from 1536 to 1810, a period known as the 'War of Arauco', although this is somewhat of a misnomer, with the 'war' comprising several periods of intense conflict, interspersed with periods of peace. The Mapuche people were able to resist conquest by the Spanish for so long due to their willingness to adopt the tools of their enemies, including firearms, cavalry, and military tactics.

In 1550 the Spanish commander Pedro de Valdivia reported execution and mutilating Mapuche prisoners by cutting off of hands, feet, noses, ears, and breasts, which was a common practice for Spanish leaders of the time (de Valdivia was defeated in battle, captures and executed by the Mapuche three years later). The tactics used by the Spanish in the Americas typically involved capturing political and religious leaders, forcing surrender through torture, and then publicly massacring important members of the community, usually in brutal ways.

Although well documented, little physical evidence for this conflict exists today, due to the humid climate and regular heavy rains of south-central Chile, which are not favourable for the preservation of archaeological remains. Furthermore, many archaeological collections made in the first half of the twentieth century have either been lost or kept so poorly that it is hard to assess their original context. 

In a paper published in the journal Open Archaeology on 19 July 2023, Juan Francisco Reyes Sánchez of the Equipo Chileno de Antropología Forense, and Alberto Enrique Pérez of the Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades at the Universidad Autónoma de Chile, present a study of two burials at the Newen Antug archaeological site in Neuquén Province, Argentina, which show evidence of violence likely to have been linked to the conflict with the Spanish. 

The Newen Antug archaeological site lies on the Argentinian side of the Valdivia River Basin, which forms the border between Chile and Argentina, within the Lácar and Nonthué Lake System. The site was first occupied about 880 years ago, and has yielded, amongst other things, the earliest known canoe burial in South America. 

Newen Antug site, on the shores of Lácar Lake, which is part of a binational archaeological site in the Valdivia river basin. The inset shows the stash of Florentine stirrup location and small Spanish fort location. Reyes Sánchez & Pérez (2023).

It this study Reyes Sánchez and Pérez examine two individuals, one female and one male, which date from the second occupation of the site, Both were laid on their right sides with their legs flexed and their arms parallel to their bodies. Their heads (in both cases) have rotated paraventral on their axial axes as a result of the loss of thoracic volume and the resistance of the intervertebral tissues due to compaction of the grave. 

The grave of the female individual has an east-west axis with the body laid facing to the south. The male individual is laid in a grave with a northwest-southeast axis, facing to the northeast. Three clay pots were placed within the grave of the female, decorated in the local Valdivia Red on White Bichrome tradition, and arranged around her head.

Plan of the excavation of the mortuary features of Individuals 1♀ and 2♂ of the Newen Antug site. Reyes Sánchez & Pérez (2023).

The female individual is estimated to have been 150 cm tall, and based upon morphology of the cranial and postcranial skeleton and examination of tooth wear, the to have been over 52 years old. The male is estimated to have been 168 cm high and 30-40 years old. Radiocarbon dating of a piece of charcoal from the grave of the female individual gave a date of 540 years before the present, consistent with the mid sixteenth century, when the first contact (and conflict) between the Spanish and the Mapuche occurred.

The female is missing both hands and the lower part of the left arm, and has as grave goods the calcaneus and astragalus of a Horse (another sign of contact with the Spanish), and a sharpened partial metatarsus of a South Andean Deer, possibly as a replacement for the missing limb portions. She also has a curved transverse fracture on the left ulna, with a regular border, stepped and with crushed edges, and associated with a longitudinal fracture, and an s an incomplete oblique fracture of the medial portion of the humeral diaphysis. The damage to the right left radius is consistent with a spiral fracture, although the preservation of this bone is not good enough to be certain.

The male also lacks the left hand and the lower part of the left forearm, with a spiral fracture on the e medial diaphysis of the left radius, with the broken edge of both the radius and ulna showing signs of crushing and scaling. Another incomplete fracture is present on the right ulna.

Diagram of skeleton, anterior view. Individual 1♀ and Individual 2♂, respectively. The locations of the lesions are shown in red. Reyes Sánchez & Pérez (2023).

The break to the right ulna of the male skeleton is consistent with a 'parry fracture', i.e. a would suffered while defending against a blow, while the left fibula shows signs of a blunt force injury, probably the result of another blow.

The injury to the left humerus of the female skeleton is consistent with a blunt force injury inflicted while the limb was flexed and rotated, while held in position at the upper end. Such injuries elsewhere have been interpreted as signs of torture, i.e. injuries deliberately inflicted on an individual while they are restrained. 

Both individuals have lost the lower part of their left arms, and both show signs of blunt force trauma to the remaining portion of the bones of the lower arm. This is unusual, and blunt-force injuries do not usually remove portions of limbs. While the injuries produced by sharp blades and blunt objects are generally quite different, prior observations have suggested that heavy axe blows can sometimes produce a hybrid injury, both crudhing part of a limb and hacking off the portion below the site of the blow. This appears to be entirely consistent with the injuries to the limbs of both individuals. 

The injuries to these individuals appear quite different to those seen in individuals injured in conflict settings; instead they show injuries consistent with having been brutalised while being tied down or otherwise restrained. 

Prior to contact with the Spanish dismemberment seen in skeletons was consistent with one of two causes; injury in battle, or post-mortem dismemberment for ritual purposes. Notably, in late pre-contact Andean societies, port-mortem dismemberment of bodies to make war trophies was a common practice, as are pre-death blunt force trauma injuries, particularly to the head area, and cuts on the bones of the neck from where the throat was cut.

The arrival of the Spanish in the Americas brought new technologies and practices of injuries to the area. In southeastern North America, the Gulf of Florida, and Peru, this has been shown to manifest in the widespread execution-style killing of both adults and children, pre-death injuries including pre-death blunt force injuries, lessons caused by blunt-sharp blows, and injuries caused by firearms.

Documents made by the Spanish themselves during this period record captured leaders being tied to tree-trunks and tortured by mutilation, who then had their wounds cauterized before being set free, with the intention that they would live long enough to return to their people and display the traumatic injuries, spreading general alarm. This practice appears to have been carried out on a massive scale, with producing large piles of severed limbs and other bodyparts. One notable form of torment was to disarticulate the hand from the forearm, leaving it dangling by a tendon. Notably, such a practice can be achieved without leaving and cuts on the bones, as can other forms of torture known to have been used during the Spanish invasion, which could therefore also potentially have been used on the Newen Antug individuals.

Engravings by Théodore de Bry showing mutilations of hands and noses (bottom) and torture (top) applied by Spanish soldiers to indigenous people in America. Reyes Sánchez & Pérez (2023).

In 1552 and 1553, Spanish troops under r Francisco de Villagra are known to have passed through the Neuquén Andean lake district, engaging in a number of conflicts with the local population, which resulted in heavy casualties on both sides. 

The two individuals buried at Newen Antug appear to have been members of the community held in high regard, who were buried with special care with symbolic artefacts emphasizing their leadership roles. 

Reyes Sánchez and Pérez interpret the injuries suffered by these two injuries as indications that they were taken hostage by the Spanish, and subjected to torture and mutilation whilst restrained, particularly to the left hands and forearms. Both left arms appear to have been struck with sufficient force to split the arm in two, with the injury most likely caused by a blunt axe impacting at an angle of about 45°. These injuries almost certainly lead to the deaths of their victims, but probably not straight away, something consistent with Spanish records of prisoners being tortured and mutilated before being released to spread fear in their communities.

See also...

Follow Sciency Thoughts on Facebook.

Follow Sciency Thoughts on Twitter.